Navigating climate change in the Indigenous economic ecosystem | Kwukwun’utstuhw ‘uw ‘eeye’qtum ‘u thu kw’atl’kwu ni’ ‘u thu hwulmuhw telu’stuhw tumuhw

Overview

The intricate web of commercial fishing, climate change, and Indigenous cultural practices demands a contextual understanding. Recognizing how these elements influence one another is critical to fostering sustainability. The fishing industry’s impact, including overfishing, highlights the urgent need for integrated management approaches.

Ni’ tsetsul’ulhtun ‘uw’ ‘eeye’qtun ‘u’ tthu kwa’atl’kwa, sis uw hwulmuhw snuw’uy’ulh T’a’thut ‘un’ tl’leem’ ‘u ‘un stl’i’ ‘u statul’stuhw. Tspit tthu eeye’qtum tumuhw, eeye’qtum sul’utul’sht’e ‘un stl’i’ huli’stuhw. Tthu tsetsul’ulhtun, hun’utum industry, nan ‘uw tsesul’ulhtun. Tspit ‘un stl’i ‘u’ tu thi’maat shqwaluwun tetsul.

The failure to address these interconnected challenges holistically can lead to the collapse of vital fish stocks and the degradation of cultural and ecological landscapes. The stakes are high, with entire ecosystems and ways of life at risk, demonstrating the necessity of comprehensive and collaborative solutions.

ni’ ‘uwu kwus sul’ul’thuts, ‘ithatul’stuhw shqwaluwuns, ‘i’ nem’ yixw ‘u thithat stseelhtunhwu’alum’sis ‘uw ‘uwu stsi’elh hwulmuhw ‘i tumuhw. ‘i sielh’stuhw ‘i hwtl’i kws mukw tumuhw, mukw’ulup wawa’ stl’eluqun kws hulit, le’lum’stamshnustl’i’ ‘u q’ishintul’ shqwaluwun.

By tackling climate change, industry practices, and environmental sustainability together, there is a significant opportunity to restore and enhance marine biodiversity, strengthen Indigenous economies, and maintain cultural practices. This holistic approach, which reflects the foundational Nuu-chah-nulth concept of Tsawalk (meaning “one”), can lead to more resilient communities and ecosystems.

thuyt thu tumuhw, thuyt thu hunutum industry paractices, kwutst ts’i’ts’uwatul shqwaluwun ‘i q’ushintul thuyt thu tumuhw, ni’ thithat kw’in ‘u thuyt thuw’mukw kwatl’kwa, kw’am kw’umstuhw, thu hwulmuhw hunutum economies and hakwushus snuw’uyulh. Thuw’ mukw’ nem’, lumstuhw ‘u snuw’uy’ulh ‘u thu Nuu-chah-nulth snuw’uy’ulh 9meaning ts’i’ts’uwatul), nem’kw’amkw’um thuw’mukw’ ‘i thu tumuhw.

Achieving this requires a united front driven by Indigenous leaders, bringing together governments, environmental organizations, and the fishing industry to develop and implement strategies that address the full spectrum of challenges. This includes reforming fishing regulations to prevent overfishing, supporting Indigenous-led conservation projects, and promoting practices that reduce the environmental impact of fishing operations. By collectively championing sustainable practices that consider the intricate connections between climate change, cultural heritage, and commercial fishing, we can secure climate-resilient fisheries for future generations.

‘uy’eey’ ‘u nu’stli’ ts’i’ts’uwatul shqwaluwun ‘imushstuhw ‘u tthu shusi’eem, ‘e’muqth kwun’atul hun’utum governments, hun’utum governments, ‘i hun’utum fishing industry ‘u ‘eey’ ‘uy shqwuluwun ‘i thi’mawt thuytum tthu tumuhw. Ni’ ‘eeye’qtum’ ‘u tsrtsul’ulhtun snuw’uy’ulh ‘u ‘unuhw thuw mukw tsetsul’ulhtun, ‘i hwulmuhw thuytum, ‘i snuw’uy’ulh ‘u kwu’elh xwul ‘u qul’ shqwaluwun ‘u tsetsul’ulhtun’ew’t. Ni’ ‘a’luxut ‘eey’ ‘uy shqwaluwun snuw’uy’ulh tuni’ hwqwel’qwul’i’wun ‘u ‘i’thatul’stuw tumuhw ‘eeye’qtum’, ‘u tthu shtun’ni’iws snuw’uy’ulh ‘u tthu tsetsul’ulhtun’ew’t, tst thuyt ‘u tl’uxw ‘u tthutsetsul’ulhtun’ew’t ni’ ‘u tthu yu’e’wu shhw’a’luqw’a.

The following case study focused on the opportunities and challenges facing Quw’utsun Kw’atl’kwa Enterprises (QKE), a leading commercial fishing business owned and operated by the Cowichan Tribes and situated in Cowichan, B.C., highlights adaptive strategies and offers recommendations for ways to achieve this goal.

Ni’ hwtetulum’ qe’is snuw’uy’ulh ‘u tthu qe’is tl’uxw shul’e’shlh yunu’as Quw’utsun Kw’atl’kwa Enterprises (QKE), ‘u shhwuhwi’wuqun ‘u tthu tsetsul’ulhtun’ew’t hakwush thun Cowichan Tribes ‘i ‘e’ut Cowichan B.C., lumstalu qe’is snuw’uy’ulh ‘i ‘aalhtum qwul’qwul sht’e ‘u thuyt thu tumuhw.

Introducing Quw’utsun Kw’atl’kwa Enterprises

Quw’utsun Kw’atl’kwa Enterprises is a leading commercial fishing business owned and operated by the Cowichan Tribes, situated in Cowichan, B.C. The name Cowichan is the anglicized version of shkewetsen, meaning “basking in the sun”. Elder Abel Joe explains how the name came from people seeing a frog basking in the sun on Mount Tzouhalem (Joe, 1977). The territories of the Cowichan Tribes include 2,389 hectares (5,903 acres) across nine reserves and seven traditional villages: Quamichan (Kwa’mutsun), Comiaken (Qaumi Yiqun), Koksilah (Ulaelu), Somena (S’amuna’), Clemclemaluts (Lhumlhumuluts’), Khenipsen (Xin Ipsum), and Cowichan Bay (L’ul Plus) (Cowichan Tribes, 2021). QKE is integral to both the economic and cultural fabric of these communities.

Quw’utsun Kw’atl’kwa Enterprises ni’ ‘u shhwuhwi’wuqun ‘u tthu tsetsul’ulhtunew’t swe’s ‘i nem’ hakwush ‘u Cowichan Tribes, ni’ut Cowichan B.C. ‘u thu sne’ Cowichan ni’ ‘u shwulinitum’a’lh nu’ sne’ ‘u shquw’utsun, nilh “basking in the sun”. Sul’xween Abel Joe qwul’ sht’e ‘u Sne’ tun’untsu hwulmuhw lemut ‘u tthu wuxus shquw’utsun ‘u thu Mount Tzouhalem (Joe, 1977) Tun’ ni’ tsun ‘utl’ Cowichan Tribes sis hun’utum 2,389 hetares (5,903) ni’ untsu toohw tumuhw ‘i tth’a’kwus hwulmuhw tumuhw: Kwa’mutsun, Qwum’yiqun, Xwulqw’selu, S’amunu, Lhumlhumuluts’, Xinupsum, ‘i Tl’ulpalus (Cowichan Tribes, 2021). QKE ‘u thi’mawt ‘u yuse’lu telu ‘i hwulmuhw snuw’uy’ulh ‘u tthu tumuhw.

 The Cowichan River has been a lifeline for the Cowichan and neighbouring Salish peoples throughout millennia, serving as a cornerstone of their diet, economy, and social ceremonies. The river’s fisheries, historically managed through intricate weir systems, were not merely harvesting mechanisms but vital conservation tools, ensuring the sustainability of salmon populations for future generations. The remarkable productivity of these weirs sustained extensive trading networks across the Salish territories, illustrating a sophisticated ecological stewardship that has endured through time (Atlas et al., 2021).

Tu Quw’utsun sta’luw’ ‘uw’ nilh ‘u hulitham’sh ‘ tthu Quw’utsun ‘i hwulmuhw mustmuhw tsi’tsulhuqwt ‘u ‘apun nets’uwuwuts sil’anum, tl’liim’ ‘u ‘uy ‘ulhtun, qtulstuhw ‘i ‘aw’kw’ul’muhw. Tthu sta’luw’ tsetsul’ulhtun, yathulh yaays ‘u thu shxetl’, ‘uwu’ kwus ‘a’luxut yaays ‘i’ skeyxutssum nustl’i’ ‘u thuyt thu tumuhw ‘i stseelhtun ‘e’muqt ‘i’ yuluw’en shhw’a’luqw’a’. Tu qux kwunnuhw ‘u thu shxetl’ yath ‘u thi ‘uya’qtul mukw stem u thu hwulmuhw mustimuhw tumuhw, lumstuhw snuw’uy’ulh ‘u tu lemut ‘u tthu tumuhw mukw stem ‘u thu shtun’ni’’iws. (Atlas et al. 2021)

Today, as QKE  confronts the compounding pressures of climate change and commercial harvest, it navigates a landscape marked by environmental and economic challenges threatening these traditional practices. The principle of two-eyed seeing (Bartlett et al., 2012, p. 335), advocated by Mi’kmaq Elder Albert Marshall, guides the enterprise  as it integrates Indigenous ways of knowing with Western scientific knowledge. This adaptive strategy seeks to balance environmental sustainability with economic growth, exploring innovative solutions such as aquaculture, eco-tourism, and renewable energy to address the depletion of fish stocks and shifting ecological conditions.

uyqtul ‘u tl’uxw yaays ‘u tsetsul’ulhtun ‘u thu ‘eeye’qtum kw’atl’kwu ‘i hunutum commercial Harvest, ‘u kwunnuhw thu tumuhw sxuxil’ ‘u ‘eeye’tum’ tsetsul’ulhtun ‘i ‘aaya’qtul’stuhw, qul shkwaluwun ‘u hwulmuhw t’a’thut. Tu thu’it ‘u yuse’lu qulum le’lum’nuhw (bartlett et al., 2012, p. 335) sqwi’qwul ‘u Mi’kmaq sul’hween Albert Marshal, lumnuhw ‘u ‘aya’qtul hikwut hwulmuhw hwqwel’qwul’i’wun swe’ ‘u thu hwulmuhw snu’uy’ulh. Kw’i ‘eeye’qtum snuw’uy’ulh lemut tu thu’it thu thu’it thuyt thu tumuhw ‘ehwe’t ‘uya’qtul thithat, lum’stuhw qe’yes snuw’uy’ulh tuni’ ‘u tu hunutum aquaculture, eco-tourism, ‘i renewable energy ‘u hwu’uhwin stselhtun ‘e’muqt ‘i ‘eeye’qtum kw’atl’kwu.

Quw’utsun Mustimuhw

The Quw’utsun Mustimuhw, historically and today, occupy a significant area on Vancouver Island. Their traditional territory, rich in cultural and ecological resources, extends more than 375,000 hectares across a substantial portion of southeastern Vancouver Island and the Fraser River, as noted in Figure 1, encompassing key areas along the Cowichan River and Cowichan Bay (Cowichan Tribes, 2021). The Cowichan people travelled extensively throughout their territories.

tthu quw’utsun mustimuhw, ni’wulh hith ‘i kweyul, tun ni’ tsun utl’ huy ‘u Vancouver Island. Ni’ thu tumuhws, thi’ mawt shqwaluwun ‘i qtul’stuw, tetsul. ‘utl’ huy ‘u hunutum 375,000 hectares ‘u huy ‘utl’ tl’itl’up s’i’a’lum’iw’s Vancouver Island ‘i ‘u Fraser sta’luw, lum’nuhw ‘u figure 1, sel’ts’t ‘u thithat ‘uw tsetsuw’ tthu Cowichan sta’luw ‘i tlul’pulus (Cowichan Tribes, 2021) Tumuhws.

Before contact with European settlers, the population of the Quw’utsun Mustimuhw is estimated to have been 15,000 members strong (Cowichan Tribes, 2021), reflecting the abundance of resources in the region. This sizable population highlights the historical importance of natural resources, particularly salmon, which to this day are driving West Coast Indigenous sustenance and social structure.

yuluwen ‘u wi’wul ‘u tthu hwulinitum mustimuhw, skw;she’lu ‘u tthu quw’utsun mustimuhw ‘u wa’lu wulh 15,000 tl’uxw thu mustimuhw (Cowichan Tribes, 2021), lumstuhw ‘u qux ‘u thu sulh’tun ‘u thu tumuhw. Tu’i qux mustimuhw lumstuhw ‘u thi’ mawt thithat ‘u thu sulhtun, hut mukw stem hwu si’em stseelhtun, ‘u hwun tl’ulumthut West Coast hwulmuhw sulhtun ‘i hakwush snuw’uy’ulh.

The entire local watershed, with its myriad sacred sites and rich tapestry of cultural narratives, is a critical area for the Quw’utsun Mustimuhw. It is a spiritual stronghold and a vital resource for fishing, plant harvesting, and hunting. The southern slopes of Hwsalu-utsum are noted for their rare grasslands, home to plants that hold significant spiritual and practical importance for the community. The watershed serves the community as a keeper of ancient stories and provider of essential natural resources.

Thuw mukw kw’atl’kwu, sta’luw, ‘i xatsa’, qa’ ‘u xe’xe’ tumuhw ‘i ts’usts’ustin ‘u snu’uy’ulh, thithut sqwaluwun ‘u thu quw’utsun mustimuhw. Kwus thithat sqaluwun snuw’uy’ulh ‘u thu tsetsul’ulhtun, hwseenhwt, ‘i ‘a’luxut. Tu tl’itl’up t’ahw ‘u Hwasalu-utsum xul’ut ‘u thu saxul tumuhw, stl’ulnup ‘u squqwule’’u thithat ‘u s-a’lhs-stuhw’i nustli’ importance thithat ‘u thu nuts’a’wuqw. Tu kw’atl’kwa, sta’luw ‘i xatsa’ ts’ewut thu nuts’a’wuqw ‘u ‘u kwun ‘u wulh hilh sxwiem ‘i ‘aalhstuhw ‘u thithat thu sulhtun.

Today, the Cowichan Tribes, as they are formally recognized, have a much smaller population, comprising 5,500 members (Cowichan Tribes, 2024). Their current reserve lands cover about 2,400 hectares, a fraction of their vast traditional territory (Cowichan Tribes, 2018). This land, although limited in comparison to their expansive historical territories, supports not only residential areas but also communal and cultural facilities. This reflects the community’s resilience in maintaining and nurturing its cultural heritage and practices, despite the constraints imposed by colonialism and government policies that have significantly reduced its traditional lands.

Skweyul, tu Cowihan Tribes, ‘u thu sne’ putnuhw, swe’ ‘u ‘uwiin’ul Kw’ushuleem’ wa’lu 5500 mustimuhw. (Cowichan Tribes, 2024). Kws swe’ ‘u tthuu tumuhws Sul’ixw wa’la 2400 hectares, ‘u ‘uhwiin’ kw’ush ‘u quw’utsun ‘u hwulmuhw mustimuhw thi’ tumuhw (Cowichan Tribes, 2018). Tu tumuhw, wa’lu uhwiin’ul ‘u tumuhw ‘u tu shtun’ni’iws tumuhw ‘u tthu quwutsun mustimuhw, tse’wulhtun ‘u tu s-hwun’ts’awqw tumuhw ‘u tu nuts’a’waqwewt. Tun’a lumstuhw ‘u s-hwun’ts’awqws ‘u kw’amkw’umstuhw ‘i lumstuhw ‘u thu hwulmuhw snuw’uy’ulh, ‘u st’e’uw niis sq’equp ‘u sthuthax ‘u hunutum colonialism ‘i government policies ‘u ‘uhwiin’ulstuhw ‘u quw’utsun tumuhw.

The economic and social life of the Cowichan and other Coast Salish peoples has historically centred around the lifecycle of salmon, particularly those spawning in the Cowichan River and its tributaries. Coho, Chinook, and Chum salmon serve not only as vital food sources but also as key economic commodities, facilitating sophisticated socio-economic exchanges with neighbouring tribes. The river, described by Harold Joe as the “provider of life and sustenance,” is integral to these communities, as emphasized by the First Salmon Ceremony, which marks the spiritual and communal significance of the salmon’s lifecycle. This ceremony, during which salmon are treated with deep respect and positioned to guide subsequent runs, emphasizes the Salish belief in the sacredness of salmon. These practices ensure the continuance of the salmon cycles, linking riverine health directly to the viability of commercial fishing. As these salmon return to the ocean, they mark the beginning of sustainable commercial fishing ventures, illustrating the critical interdependence of river habitats and the broader fishing industry.

tu tela’stuhw ‘i s-hwun’ts’awuqw ‘u tthu quwutsun ‘i mukw hwulmuhw mustimuhw wulh Wulh hith ‘u thithat ‘u thu stseelhtun hwualum, tthuw’ ‘u thu xil’a’ts stseelhtun ‘u thu Quw’utsun sta’luw ‘i ‘u ‘i’la’th. The’wun, stth’aqwi’, ‘i kw’a’luhw ‘u thu stseelhtun thithat ‘ulhtunstuhw thithat wulh telu’swtuhw, thuyt, thuytum kw’am kw’umstuhw syaays ni’ ‘u ‘uya’qtul ‘i ‘uya’qtulstuhw ‘u tthu ‘aw’kw’ulmuhw. Thu sta’luw hiiy’ut ‘u tthu Harold Joe ‘u tu hulitun ‘i sulhtun, ‘u thithat ‘u thu s-hwun’ts’awuqw, ‘i lemutstuhw ‘u thu hwun’a stseeltun hwunuwust, kw’u’i nem’ ‘u nilh s’uylus ‘u tthu nuts’a’wuqw ‘u thithat thu stseelhtun ‘e’muqt. Tu syaays, ‘untsu ‘u thu stseelhtun sus ‘uw he’letus ‘u stsi’elh stuhw ‘i snuw’uy’ulh ‘u tu ‘e’qmuqt, thithat ‘u hwulmuhw snu’uy’ulh ‘u thu xe’xe’ stseelhtun. Tu’inulh thuytum ‘u tthu mukw lhwet ‘u thu stseelhtun ‘e’muqt, ‘u xe’xe ‘u hulitun wi’wul ‘u thu snuy’uy’uljh ‘u stseelhtunew’t. ‘U tu’inulh ‘uw stseelhtun ‘e’muqt ‘u thu kw’atl’kwa, ‘eelhtun hwnuwust ‘u thu stseeltunewt yaays, lemutstuhw ‘u thithat nu’stli’ ‘u thu ‘u thu sta’luw s-hwun’ts’awuqw sus ‘u ‘a’luxut Stseelhtunewt.

Quw’utsun Kw’atl’kwa Enterprises: Facing critical crossroads

QKE, operational since the 1990s, has recently evolved into a more autonomous entity. In 2019, it formalized as a limited partnership, with Cowichan Tribes as the sole shareholder. This structure allows QKE to benefit from the limited liability protection for its investors, which can encourage investment and growth, while ensuring that the Cowichan Tribes retain significant control over business decisions and operations. This setup offers a balance of operational control, financial security, and taxation benefits, making it particularly suitable for ventures involving significant community interests and cultural alignment. This transition marked a significant milestone, which included QKE establishing its own board of directors and reinforcing its operational capabilities. With this newfound independence, QKE has secured a dedicated crew and maintains two boats permanently stationed in Cowichan Bay(QKE, 2021).

QKE, ‘u thu hwun’a’ sil’anum ‘u 1990s, ‘u qe’is sus ‘uw ‘iye’qtum kw’um kw’umul. ‘u 2019, kwus ‘u hunutum limitedn partnership swe’ ‘u tthu Cowichan Tribes. Tu thuyt ‘aant QKE ‘u ‘aluxut tu’i hunitum limited protection ‘u tthu hunitum investors, ‘u tle’ Q’pels ‘u ‘uy qwulstuhw ‘u thu telu, sisuw’ ‘u tthu Cowichan Tribes sul’utul’ tsulel mukw hakwush ‘u tu snuw’uy’ulh ‘u thu stseelhtunewt. Tu’inulh ‘u hukwush ‘u hwnuwust hukwush, telu’stuhw, sus ‘u hunutum taxation benefits, thuytum ‘u nem’ hakwush ‘u thu snuw’uy’ulh thithat ‘u tthu s-hwun’ts’awuqw ‘u tu hwnuwuststuw. Kw’i ‘iyeqt sxuxits ‘u thithat xutsa’th, tu’untsu lhikw QKE thuytum ‘u tthu hunitum board of directors sus ‘uw kw’a,kw’um yaays hawkwushus. Kwus tthuw’ ta’lut ‘aluxutus yaays, QKE wulh ‘a’luxut ‘u hwkw’amkwum sus ‘u lum’stuhw ‘u thu ye’selu snuwulh ‘u q’p’un’um ‘u thu tl’ulpalus (QKE, 2021).

QKE holds commercial licences for a diverse range of seafood. The licences are crucial for commercial operations and supporting the Cowichan Tribes’ spiritual connections to the water and ceremonial fishing practices. By managing licences and quotas, QKE plays a pivotal role in preserving the employment and maritime heritage of the Cowichan Tribes while acting as the guardian of economic sustainability and cultural continuity.

QKE swe’ ‘u thu hunitum commercial liicences ‘u qux ‘u kw’atl’kw’a sulhtun, ‘u thithat‘u thu hunitum licence ‘u thithat tu stseelhtunewt yaays sis ‘u ts’ets’uwut ‘u tthu Cowichan Tribes’ nilh s’uylus ‘u tu qa’ sus xe’xe syaays kw’akw’i’ukw. Hawkwushus tu hunitum licences ‘ikwunnuhw, QKE siemstuhw ni’ ‘u hulithut ‘u thu syaays sus ‘uw kw’atl’kw’u’ hwnwust ‘u snuw’uy ‘ulh ‘u thu Cowichan Tribes sus ‘uw sht’e ‘u ‘al’mutst ‘u ‘aya’qtul yaays ‘i s-hwun’ts’awuqw.

Despite having established a strong operational framework, QKE faces mounting challenges from changing environmental conditions and regulatory restrictions. The Pacific Salmon Foundation’s (2024) State of Salmon report indicates significant ecological pressures. While Chinook in the Vancouver Island and Mainland Inlets region are above the long-term average, with record numbers returning to the Cowichan River, other species such as chum and steelhead are well below average. Specifically, chum spawner abundance has reached lows not seen since the 1960s. This decline is attributed to higher water temperatures, increased flooding, and more frequent droughts, which disrupt salmon lifecycle and habitat. Such conditions necessitate adaptive strategies in QKE’s fishing practices to ensure sustainability and support the resilience of local salmon populations amidst these environmental shifts.

Shte’ ‘uw swe’ ‘u kw’am kw’um ‘u kw’am kw’um snuw’uy’ulh, Q KE na’us thithat tqet ‘untsu ‘u ‘eeye’qtum ‘u quw’uthut kw’atl’kwa’ ‘i hwnuwust. Tu hunitum Pacific Salmon Foundation’s (2024) State of Salmon qwul ‘u lemutstuhw thi’ ‘eeye’qtumstuhw. Shte’ ‘u stth’aqwi’ ni’ ‘u thu hunitum Vnacouver Island and Mainland regions ‘i hith ‘e’muqt, sus ‘uw mukw kwin ‘e’muqt ‘u thu quwutsun sta’luw, nets stseelhtun sisuw kw’a’luhw ‘i sxuw’q’um ‘uwu te’ mukw ‘emuqt. ‘uwu te’ mukw ‘u thu pupun’um kw’a’luhw ‘uwu lemut tun’i tthu 1960s. Tu ‘uwu mukw tun’i ‘u tl’hwum qa’, qux tu’ lhul’qum, ‘i qxelh ‘uwu te’ lhumuhw, kw’i ‘u thu stseelhtun hulithut ‘i ‘uwu t’at’ukw’. tu’nilh ‘u stitum’’u qxelh ‘uw nu’stl’i ‘eeye’qt wsnuw’uy’ulh ‘u thu QKE’s kw’ikw’iyukw ‘u thu‘emuqt. sus ‘uw thuyt ‘u kw’istuhw ‘u thu s-hwun’ts’uwuqw stseelhtun ‘emuqt tu’nilh ‘u thu kw’atl’kwu ‘eeye’qtum’

Despite the crew’s efficiency and the strategic management of fishing activities, the fish stocks are not what they once were. Particularly, salmon fishing, an economic and cultural staple for the Cowichan Tribes, has been heavily restricted by Fisheries and Oceans Canada (DFO) regulations, prohibiting or restricting commercial fishing to preserve dwindling stocks (DFO, 2024, DFO 2024b, DFO 2024c). Additionally, while shrimp catches have remained consistent, they are insufficient to sustain the enterprise’s financial viability alone. The situation is such that, without the support of grants from the DFO (DFO, 2024d), QKE would likely face financial difficulties, if not insolvency, due to the depleting fish stocks. This precarious balance reveals a broader environmental crisis impacting traditional fishing practices and the economic stability of Indigenous commercial fishing enterprises.

Tu hunitun ‘u crew’s kw’am kw’um kw’ikw’utiyukw snuw’uy’ulh ‘u tu kw’ikw’utiyukwstuhw, ‘uwu te’ mukw ‘emuqt ‘u thu stseelhtun. Thuw mukw, s-hwun’ts’uwuqw, uw aya’qtul sus ‘u thithut ‘u xe’xe yaays ‘u tthu Cowichan Tribes, ‘u wulh ‘u tl’ux hwnuwust ni’ hunitum Fisheries and Oceans Canada (DFO) hwnuwust, ‘unuhwstuhw ‘i’ tl’itl’up ‘u thu kw’ikw’utiyukw ‘uw ‘uwu te’ mukw ‘emuqt (DFO, 2024, DFO 2024b, DFO 2024c). Sis uw, kwukwun’ut ‘u thu hunitum shrimp Kwu’elh ‘uy kwiin, kwu’elh ‘uw ‘uwu te’ ‘i tl’umtl’umkw’t ‘i ‘u thu qux telu’i hin’anuts’a’. Tu tl’ux ‘u yaays, ‘uwu te’telu’ ‘u thu hunitum grants from DFO(DFO,2024d), QKE ni’ wa’lu ‘asum ‘u ‘uwu te’ thu telu’, ‘u ‘uwu wulh puqw, shus ‘u ‘uwu te’ mukw stseelhtun. Tu’nilh stl’eluqun ‘u puy’puy’um lumstuhw ‘u thi’ kw’atl’kwa’ ‘eeye’qtum thu hwulmuw kw’akw’iyukw, yaays sus ‘u tele’stuhw ‘u thu hunitum Indigenous commercial fishing enterprises.

With these realities, QKE is compelled to explore new avenues for sustainability that align with its traditional values and deep-rooted connection to the sea. This necessity drives a strategic pivot towards innovative approaches that could supplement traditional fishing methods, ensuring the enterprise’s resilience. As we consider these dynamics, it becomes clear that anthropogenic change and its impact on marine ecosystems plays a critical role in shaping the future of QKE. The enterprise is now at a crossroads, looking to integrate sustainable practices with economic activities to maintain profitable continuity and community well-being in the face of declining catches.

Kw’i thu’thu’it, QKE ‘u nu’stl’i ‘u lemut thu shelh ni’ ‘u hulithut tu’nilh tselqun ‘u thu hwulmuhw hwnuwust sus ‘u kw’am kwum ‘u nuts’ul ‘u thu kw’atl’kw’a. Tu’nilh nu’stl’i ‘imushstuhw ‘u shqwaluwun ‘eeye’qtum ‘u qe’is ‘ewunus tu’untsa ‘u ‘i kw’ikw’uti’yukw snuw’uy’ulh, kw’am kw’umstuhw tu stseelhtunewt. Kwsustst hwqwel’qwul’i’wun ‘u ‘eeye’qtum, kwus ‘u sni’nuw ‘eeye’qtum ‘u thu tumuhw ‘i ‘eeye’qtum ‘u thu kw’atl’kwa’ ‘u thithut ‘u thuytum ‘u ‘e’wu ‘u thu QKE. Kwu stseelhtunewt ‘i’ hwthtiwun, lemut ‘u qe’is thu’it hwnuwust snuw’uy’ulh kwus telustuhw ‘u thuytum telustuhw ‘u thu telustuhw ‘i Hulithut ‘u thu s’hwun’ts’awuqw ‘u ‘asum ‘uwu te’ mukw ‘uw q’ep’

Theoretical framework

The theoretical landscape of our case study is predicated on the principle of Tsawalk, a foundational concept from the Nuu-chah-nulth philosophy that recognizes the interconnectedness of everything (Atleo, 2007). Tsawalk, which translates to “one,” embodies the holistic interconnectedness of all elements of life: environmental, cultural, and economic. This Indigenous worldview asserts that no component of life operates in isolation, that each part is a thread in the broader fabric of the ecosystem. In practice, this principle dictates that sustainable development cannot merely focus on economic gains but must harmonize these with environmental stewardship and cultural integrity (Nuna et al., 2021).

Kwthey’’u hwqwel’qwul’i’wun nuts’a yaays ‘uw hiiy’ut ‘u thu snuw’uy’ulh ‘u thu Tsawalk, ‘u thithat shqwaluwun’ ni’ulh ‘u Nuu-chah-nulth snuw’uy’ulh tuni’ lumnuhw ‘u mukw’ stem hwu sp’ulay’tul ‘u mukw’ stem (Atleo, 2007). Tsawalk, tu’untsu ‘uw shhw’iint ‘u “nuts’a” kwus ‘uw ts’i’ts’uwatul shqwaluwun ‘u thu tumuhw: tumuhw, snuw’uy’ulh, ‘i telu’stuhw. Tu’nilh Hwulmuhw tumuhwstuhw sus ‘uw sthuthex ‘u tuni’ ‘uwu te’ ‘u yaays ‘uw hin’anuts’a’, Tuni’ ‘u mukw’ stem ‘u tu’untsa ‘uw hwu sp’ulay’tul ‘u thu tumuhw. Tu yaays, tun’a hwnuwust yaays ‘u ‘uy shqwaluwun ‘u thu syaays, ‘uwu te’ ‘u tu tele’stuhw nu’stli’ yuhw Hwqwel’qwul’i’wun ‘u tumuhw yaays sus ‘u hwulmuhw hwnuwust (Nuna et al., 2021)

Tsawalk recognizes the traditional role Indigenous people play in maintaining balance and harmony. These efforts are not merely about harnessing natural resources but reasserting control over traditional lands and ways of life disrupted by centuries of colonial policies (Murphy et al., 2023). A significant example of this disruption is the colonial ban on traditional fishing weirs, which were crucial to Indigenous resource management. According to Dale and Natcher (2015), these bans significantly undermined traditional fishing practices, and recent efforts to reintroduce these Indigenous fishing technologies in British Columbia mark a critical step towards reclaiming traditional ecological knowledge.

Tsawalk lumstuhw ‘uw hwnuwuststuhw ‘u tthu hwulmuhw mustimuhw ‘uwts’i ts’uwatul shqwaluwun. Kw’i timuthut ‘uwu te’ ‘uw’ ‘a’luxut ‘u tu mukw stem ‘u swe’ hakwush ‘u thu s-hwunits’awuqw sus ‘u snuw’uy’ulh ‘u ‘eeye’qtum ‘u qux sil’anum ‘u thu hwulinitum hwnuwust (Murphy et al., 2023). ‘u thi’maat ‘eeye’qtum ‘u tu hwulinitum ‘u ‘unuhw ‘u thu hwulmuhw tsetsul’ulhtun shxetl’’u tu’untsa ulh thithat ‘u hwulmuhw ulhtunstuhw. Qwal ‘u Dale ‘i’ Natcher (2015), tu’nilh ‘unuhw’ ‘uw thi ‘eeyeqtum hwulmuhw tsetsul’ulhtun snuw’uy’ulh, sus qe’is ‘uw timuthut ‘u thuyt kw’i ‘u tthu hwulmuhw tsetsul’ulhtun shkwey’xutssum’ ‘u British Columbia lemut ‘u thithat nem’ takw ‘u thuytum thu hwulmuhw tumuhw snuw’uy’ulh.

This interconnected approach of Tsawalk is crucial for understanding the multiple pressures facing QKE, including climate change, industrial impacts, sport fishing, pollution, and overfishing. Each of these factors does not exist in a vacuum but interacts dynamically with others, influencing the health of the marine ecosystems and, consequently, the cultural and economic well-being of the Cowichan Tribes.

Tu’nilh ‘u kwun’utul snuw’uy’ulh ‘u Tsawalk ‘u thithat ‘uw shtatul’stuhw ‘u qux tl’ux yaays ‘asum QKE, hunitum climate change, industrial impacts, sport fishing, pollution, and overfishing. Tun’untsa ‘eeye’qtum ‘uwu te’ hulithut ‘u hunitum vacuum ‘u hulithut kw’i yu xut’utul’, ‘eeye’qtum ‘u mukw’ stem ‘u thu kw’atl’kwa sus ‘uw ‘eeye’qtum, ‘u hwnuwust sus ‘uw tele’stuhw ‘u tthu Cowichan Tribes.

In conclusion, employing Tsawalk as a theoretical framework not only guides our understanding of the operations at QKE but also sets a precedent for addressing complex environmental and economic challenges in a holistic manner. Specifically, Tsawalk informs the development of effective climate change adaptation strategies for QKE, emphasizing an integrated approach that combines ecological sustainability, economic viability, and social equity. This approach ensures that adaptation measures are deeply rooted in the community’s traditional knowledge and contemporary needs, providing a robust basis for navigating the impacts of climate change. By viewing these challenges through the lens of interconnectedness, QKE can champion sustainable development pathways that respect and rejuvenate the cultural, ecological, and economic fabric of the Cowichan Tribes. This approach promises to offer insights and models for other communities facing similar pressures, ensuring that economic development within Indigenous territories is conducted in a manner that is respectful, sustainable, and culturally congruent.

tu’nilh ‘e’ut, huqwushus Tsawalk ‘u hwqwel’qwul’i’wun ‘uw huqwushus snuw’uy’ulh thun stat’ul’stuhw ‘u thu syaays ‘u QKE ‘u sht’e ‘u tu hwn hwnuwust thuytum ‘u ‘eeye’qtum tumuhw sus uw telu’stuhw ‘u tqetham’sh ‘uw ‘uy sqwuluwun. Haqwushus ‘u, Tsawalk ‘i’wusth ‘uw nu’stl’i ‘u thuytum tu’ ‘eeye’qtum thu tumuhw hwqwel’qwul’i’wun ‘u QKE thi’ maat sqwaluwun ‘u thu hwulinitum ‘i’ hwulmuhw, thuytum thu tumuhw, ‘i telu’stuhw sus ‘uw kw’am kw’um stuhw thu sqwaluwun, tu’nilh thu slhexun’ shqwaluwun ‘u thuytum s-hwun’ts’awuqws tu hwulmuhw snuw’uy’ulh sus ‘uw nu’ stl’i ch, hulit ‘u ‘uy shqwaluwun ‘uw lumstuhw ‘uw ‘eeye’qtum thu tumuhw. Shte’ lemut ‘u tl’ux yaays le’lum’ut ‘u thu slhexun shqwaluwun, QKE ‘uw thuytum tu syaays ‘uw thuyum tu shelh Kw’i si’em sus ‘uw thuytum thu snuw’uy’ulh, slexun’ tu tumuhw, sus uw hulit thu Cowichan Tribes. Kw’i ‘e’wunus qwil’qwul’ ‘uw ‘uy sqwaluwun sus hw’uw’tsust ‘u thu s-hwun’ts’awuqw ‘asum ‘u tl’ux ‘u thu syaays, ‘uw qwil’qwul’s ‘u telu’stuhw ‘u thu hwulmuhw tumuhw ‘u ni’ wulh hay ‘uw si’emstuhw, thuytum, sus ‘uw ts’its’uwutal shqwaluwun.

Methodology

This research utilizes a case study methodology to explore the adaptive strategies that Commercial Fishing Enterprises (CFEs) employ in response to the depletion of fish stocks due to anthropogenic change. Case study research is particularly appropriate for investigating complex, real-world phenomena, providing in-depth insights into the specific context of QKEand its decision-making processes (Yin, 2018). 

Tu’nilh hwqwel’qwul’i’wun mukw’ stem ‘u tu’nuhw ‘u ‘uy snuw’uy’ulh sisuw’ hunitum Commercial Fishing Enterprises (CFES) huqwush ‘u qwil’qwul’stuhw ‘u ‘uwu te’ qux ‘e’muqt Shus ‘u qul ‘eeye’qtum. Hwqwel’qwul’i’wun ‘uw slexun shqwaluwun lemut ‘uw tl’ux yaays, thu’it ‘eeye’qtum thu tumuhw, ‘uw ‘eehwe’t ‘u kw’am kw’um snuw’uy’ulh ‘u QKE sus ‘uw shqwaluwun hwnuwust (Yin, 2018).

Participants

The study involves employees of QKE who represent various roles across the organization:

  1. Shawn Baybutt, Executive Director – Responsible for strategic planning and high-level decision-making.
  2. Clyde, Captain—The captain leads the fishing crews and makes real-time decisions about harvesting based on environmental conditions and operational constraints.
  3. Norman and Theresa, Board Directors – Provided critical insights from the board’s perspective.
  4. Harold, Knowledge Keeper – Provided historical insights.

This diverse group of participants was selected to capture perspectives from multiple levels of the organization, ensuring a holistic understanding of the enterprise’s operations and adaptive strategies.

Kw’e nut’tul ‘ut sun’ts a’wuqqw wulh ‘ul’mutsun ‘uw lemut thu tl’ux syaays ‘u nutstul Mustimuhw ‘u thu hunitum orginization, thu’it ‘uy sqwaluwun ‘u thu hunitum enterprises Operatons sus ‘uw ‘eeye’qtum sqwaluwun.

Data collection methods

Data for this study were gathered using semi-structured interviews, a method that provides a balance between structured queries and the flexibility needed for participants to express their thoughts and experiences comprehensively. This approach is particularly well-suited for exploring complex issues such as the impact of climate change, operational changes, and community engagement within the context of QKE.  To foster a comfortable and candid environment, interviews were conducted in settings conducive to open and relaxed conversation. Most interviews were arranged around shared meals, lunches, dinners, or over coffee. This setting honoured the cultural significance of sharing a meal as a form of community building and respect in many Indigenous cultures.

Tutuleen-unuq wulh q’pet ‘uw hawqwushus ‘uw qwil’qwul’tul, kw’in ‘u kw’i ‘ehwe’t ‘uw ‘uy shqwaluwun ‘uw thuytum shqwaluwun sus ‘u nuts’tul tu shqwaluwun ‘u mukwalup ‘u qwil’qwul’tul ‘u thu shqwaluwuns sus ‘uw yaaysstuhw shqwaluwun. Kw’i ‘uw hwqwel’qwul’i’wun thuytum thu tumuhw ‘u tl’ux ‘u thu syaays ‘u tu’ ‘eeye’qtum thu tumuhw, ‘eeye’qtum tu syaays, sus ‘uw s-hwun’ts’awuqw ‘uw qwil’qwul’tul ‘u thu QKE. ‘u hwqwel’qwul’i’wun ‘uw thuyt thu tumuhw, qwil’qwul’tul ulh tun ni’utl’ ‘uystuhw ‘u ‘uy shqwaluwun tu qwal’. Mukw qwil’qwul’tul ulh ‘u ‘a’luxut thu lutem ‘u sulhtun, shtuhwskweyulqun, hwtuhw skweyulqun, koffi. ‘u huqwush thu snuw’uy’ulh ‘u yaays ‘’u letem ‘u thu s-hwun’ts’awuqw-ewt sus ‘uw si’emstuhw thu hwulmuhw snu’uy’ulh.

These interviews were supplemented with observational notes to aid in the accurate transcription and analysis of the conversations. This combination of detailed narrative data and observational context provides a basis for understanding the ways in which QKE navigates under the guiding principle of Tsawalk1.

Kw’i qwil’qwul’tul wulh sus ‘uw le’lum’ut ‘’u thu pipu xul’tun ni’’u thu’it ‘u thu xulxulul’s sus ‘uw lemut the qwil’qwul’tul. Tu’nilh ‘uw lemut ‘u thu’it xulxulul’ssus ‘uw le’lum’ut ‘u thu mukw stem tu’untsa ‘uw shtatulstuhw ‘u thu snu’uy’ulh thu QKE ta’lut ‘u Thu snu’uy’ulh ‘u thu Tsawalk.

It’s also worth noting that  relational accountability (Wilson, 2008) guided the research process. Participants were fully informed about the purpose of the study and informed consent was obtained before interviews began. In accordance with OCAP (Ownership, Control, Access, and Possession) principles, participants and the community will have control over the data and its dissemination.

Nilh ni’’uw haqwushus thu snuw’uy’ulh (Wilson, 2008) ‘imushstuw tu snuw’uy’ulh syaays. Tu’nilh ‘u swe’ s-hwun’ts’awuqw ‘u niilh ‘uw s’ehwe’ ‘u thu xulxulul’s niilh ‘uw ‘a’luxut ‘u tsusel ‘u thu s-hwun’ts’awuqw. ‘u thu hwnuwust ‘u OCAP (Ownership, Control, Access and Possession) snuw’uy’ulh, ‘uw tutuleen’utul ‘u thu nanum ni’ ‘u tu hunitum data’s ‘u thu s-hwun’ts’awuqw.

Finally, while this case study provides valuable insights, its focus on a single CFE means that findings may not be generalizable to other Indigenous CFEs or communities. However, the lessons learned offer useful guidance for similar contexts.

hay, sus ‘uw thithat snuw’uy’ulh ‘u thu nanum, lemutum ‘u thu nuts’a CFE shhwiint tu’nilh ta’lut ‘u wawa’ ‘uwu te’ haqwush ‘u thu hwulmuhw CFEs ‘u s-hwun’ts’awuqw. Shte’, ‘u hwiw’tsust ‘u thu snuw’uy’ulh ‘u thu wa’lu syaays.

Key learnings and thematic findings

Finding 1
The cumulative impact of environmental challenges are behind fish stock decline

The pervasive impact of global warming on marine life was a recurrent theme in the interviews, with Shawn (QKE Executive Director) emphasizing its extensive effects: “The big blanket issue is global warming, that if you pin it down, there’s so many things that relate to that, like higher ocean temperatures.” Interviewees emphasized that this broader environmental challenge is intricately linked to more specific issues, such as declines in salmon populations and degradation of spawning grounds.

‘u thi’ ‘eeye’qtum ‘u thu tatum’ kw’atl’kwa ‘u thu kw’atl’kwa hulitun wulh mukw qwul’ ‘u thu nanum’, ‘u Shawn (QKE Executive Director) thi’ ‘u thu qul shqwaluwun: “ ‘u thi’ mukw’ ‘untsu ‘u thu tatum kw’atl’kwa, lemutstuhw, thuw mukw ‘eeye’qtum mukw’ ‘untsu wa’la ‘uw tatum’thu kw’atl’kwa. “nanum ‘u thithat ‘uw ‘eeye’qtum mukw’ ‘untsa tqet ‘u tu’untsu shq’il ‘u kw’in ‘uw nu’ stl’i, shte’ ni’ ‘u tsas ‘uw ‘eqmuqt ‘u thu stseelhtun Sus ‘uw tsas xili’ts ‘u thu sta’luw.

However, climate change is only one of several interconnected factors impacting marine ecosystems. Industrial impacts, as discussed by Norm (board member) and Harold (knowledge keeper), also play a significant role. Norm highlighted the broad implications of industrial activities on the sustainability of fish populations: “A bigger concern and bigger damage has come from industry.” Harold specifically noted the pressures from commercial fishing and international competition: “I think the main factor would be commercial fishing. And also different countries like United States and Japan, play a big part in taking our chum.”

Kwu’elh, ‘eeye’qtum thu tumuhw ‘i nuts’tul ‘uw ‘eey’ ‘uw qul slexun thu kw’atl’kwa Hulitun. Hunitum Industrial impacts, ‘u nanum ‘u thu Norm (board member) sus Harold Hunitum Industrial syaays ‘u thuyt thu stseelhtun ‘emuqt: “ ‘u thi’ maat qul shqwaluwun suyum tun ni’ tsun utl’hunitum Industry. Harold ‘uw nanum ‘u qux kw’akw’kw’i’kw ‘u thu hunitum commercial fishing and international competition: “ni’ tsun shteewun huy ‘ul’ hunitum commercial fishing. Sus tl’e’ nuts’tul ‘u thu United States sus Japan, ‘u qux kw’akw’i’ukw ‘u Kwunut thu kw’a’luhw.”

The ongoing decline in fish runs also reflects historical and cumulative impacts, captured through the reflections of Theresa (board member) on past abundances compared to current scarcities: “I remember late Moe Henry speaking about fishing back in his day, where he could just go to the river… and he’d already have about 10 fish, but now the runs are not as good.”

‘u qulet ‘u ‘uwu te’ qux ‘emuqt ‘u thu stseelhtun tl’e’ lumstamu ‘u ‘iilh ‘u ‘athut yaays, kwunut ‘uw ‘u lumstamu ‘u thu Theresa (board member) ‘u ‘iilh ‘emuqt ‘u hwi’ ‘emuqt ‘uwu te’ qux: “ni’ tsum hekw ‘u thu ‘iilh Moe Henry qwaqwulstuhw ‘u thu kw’akw’i’ukwulh, u ‘imush ‘u nem ‘u thu sta’luw…sus ‘uw hwun ‘uw kwunut ‘apun ‘u thu stseelhtun, ‘u hwi’ qul ‘emuqt.”

In the spirit of Tsawalk, these environmental, industrial, and historical factors must be understood as part of a complex system where no single issue can be isolated from the others.

‘u tu snuw’uy’ulh ‘u Tsawalk, tun’untsa hunitum environmental, industrisl, historical factors ‘uw shtatulstuhw ‘uw nuts’tul ‘uw ‘eeye’qmut ‘u thu tumuhw ‘uwu te’ nuts’a ‘eeye’qmut ‘u sul’utul’.

Finding 2
The cultural significance of fishing bridges past and present, people and nature

Fishing holds a profound place in the fabric of Cowichan identity, embodying more than a mere activity; it is a vital cultural practice intertwined with the essence of the community. Theresa articulates this significance, emphasizing its foundational role: “Fishing is a very important aspect of who we are as Cowichan people, and I think they would like to keep fishing just to keep providing for their own community.” This statement highlights fishing as an economic activity and a cultural imperative that sustains and nurtures community identity and coherence.

Kw’awk’i’uhw ‘uw kwun’et ‘u thi’ maat shqwaluwun thu quw’utsun hwulmuhw, thithat ‘u thu Kw’awk’i’uhw:tu’inulh ‘u thithat ‘u xexe kw’awk’i’uhw ‘u thu sulhtun ‘u thu s-hwun’ts’awuqw. Theresa qwil’qwul ‘u tu thi’ maat shqwaluwun, ‘u thu snuw’uy’ulhstuw: kw’awk’i’uhw ‘u nanu thi’that ‘u ‘een thu tst ‘u thu quwutsun mustimuhw, sus ni’ sht’eewun ‘u mukw stem ‘uw Kw’awk’i’uhw ‘uw lhew’lhne’num ‘u thu s-hwun’ts’awuqw. “tun’untsa nanum le’lumut’staam Kw’awk’i’uhw ‘uw telustuhw susuw’‘u thu xexe syaays ‘uw lhew’lhne’num thu shwun’ts’awuqw ‘een thu ‘u sus shqwaluwun.

The impacts of modern fishing practices and environmental degradation, highlighted by Shawn and Clyde, suggest a significant disruption to these traditional practices. Modern challenges such as pollution, climate change, and industrial fishing have altered the landscapes and waterscapes that the Cowichan people have depended on for generations.

Tun’untsa ‘u qe’is ‘u thu kw’awk’i’uhw snuw’uy’ulh sus ‘u tatum kw’atl’kwa, le’lumutstaam ‘u Thu Shawn ‘i Clyde, nanum ‘uw qul shqwaluwun ‘u thu lhew’lhne’num. Qe’is tqet ‘u thu quliima’ qa’, ‘eeye’qmut thu tumuhw, sus ‘uw hunitum industrial fishing tsu’ ‘eeye’qmut thu tumuhw sus ‘u mukw thu qa’ ‘u tthey nu’stli’ ‘u mukw stem thu quw’utsun mustimuhw.

Harold’s reflections on traditional fishing practices deepen our understanding of these cultural dimensions and their connection to building relationships and passing down teachings. He recounts, “We’d walk up the rivers with our spears; we would have to do all the dirty work. We would flash fish for our older cousins. We learned how to do that. There is a way to be with the river, quiet, respectful, don’t take more than you need.” This narrative is a powerful testament to the intergenerational transmission of knowledge, where fishing is about sustenance and learning respect, patience, and the proper stewardship of nature’s resources. It encapsulates a relationship with the river and the fish that is reciprocal and respectful, embodying the principles of taking only what is needed to ensure sustainability and respect for the life given by the river.

Harold’s nanum ‘u thu kwa’awk’i’uhw snuw’uy’ulh le’lum’uts ‘u stawtulstuhw tthuw’ne’ulh Muhw shqwaluwun sus ‘uw thuyt thhu ‘uy shqwaluwun sus ‘uw snuwun Snuw’uy’ulh. Tthuw’ne’ullh, “ tst ‘uw ‘imush ‘u tuyul kwutst ‘u thu sunums; tst ‘uw thuy tu quliima’ syaays. Tst ulh ‘u hunitum flash fish kwthuna shuyulh. Tst ‘uw ta’lutstuhw. Tun’untsa tst ‘uw tuyul,ts’ewul, si’emstuhw, ‘uwu ch ‘u qux ‘uw nu’stli’ ch. “ tu’nilh ‘uw nanum ‘u Kw’am kw’um qwil’qwul’ ‘u snuwunstuhw ‘u thu snuw’uy’ulh, tun’untsa kw’awk’i’uhw sht’e sulhtun sus ‘uw si’emstuhw, ‘al’mutsun’, sus ‘uw ‘uy shqwaluwun ‘u thu stseelhtun. Kwus ‘uw Nuts’a maat shqwaluwun kwsutst thu sta’luw ‘u thu stseelhtun ‘uw mukw stem si’emstuhw, Haqwushus ‘u thu hwnuwust ‘uw kwunut ch nu’stli’ ‘u hulithut ‘u thu stseelhtun sus ‘uw si’em hwuhe’lit ‘ee’hwet ‘u thu sta’luw.

In sum, the cultural significance of fishing within Cowichan communities is profound, serving as a bridge between past and present, elders and youth, and people and nature.This holistic view, where economic, environmental, cultural, and social elements are inseparably linked, reflects the true essence of the Tsawalk principle.

tl’uw’, ‘u thu ‘uy shwaluwun ‘u thu kw’awk’i’uhw ‘utl quw’utsun s-hwun’ts’awuqw ‘u thithat, Thuytum ‘uw shqwaluwun ‘u thu kweyululh ‘u tun’u kweyul, sul’eluw ‘i swiw’lus ‘u Thu tumuhw. ‘uw le’lum’ut ‘u thu hunitun niihw hwsuq’a’, le’lum’ut ‘u thu’it shqwaluwun ‘u they’ Tsawalk hwnuwust.

Finding 3
Adaptation strategies and regulations must work together

Adaptation strategies in commercial fishing, such as diversifying fishery products, are crucial for responding to environmental and economic shifts impacting Indigenous communities (Whitney et al., 2020). As Shawn notes, expanding from traditional prawn fishing to include crab and ground fish illustrates proactive adjustments that enhance resilience against fluctuating marine populations and market demands. This strategic response extends beyond product diversification to include adaptive practices like seasonal fishing adjustments, the adoption of environmentally friendly fishing technologies, and community-led initiatives such as stream rehabilitation and hatchery development. These practices, deeply rooted in traditional knowledge, enhance ecological sustainability and strengthen cultural ties and community engagement in fisheries management.

‘eeye’qmut thu snuw’uy’ulh ‘u thu hunitum commercial fishing, ‘uw kwunut nuts’tul stseelhtun, Thithat ‘uw ‘eeyeqtum ‘u kw’atl’kwa sus telustuhw‘eeye’qtum,‘eeyeqtum thu s-hwun’ts’awuqw (whitney et al., 2020). ‘u Shawn xuxil, yu ts’its’usum’ ‘uw hwulmuhw kw’awk’i’ukw ‘u thu mam’ul’ ‘i ‘ey’xe’ ‘uw sts’at’qw’ steelhtun, le’lum’stum’ ‘ut ‘eeye’qtum ‘uw kw’am kw’umstuhw ‘u ‘eeye’qtum Kwatl’kwa kw’iin sus ‘u hunitum market demands. Kw’is nanum ‘i nem’yul-ew’ yaays ‘eeye’qtum ‘u lhikw’ut ‘eeye’qtum tu snuw’uy’ulh kwthu kw’awk’i’ukw ‘emuqt, ‘u ‘eeye’qtum ‘uy tumuhw ‘u sye’yu kw’awk’i’ukwstuhw, sus ‘uw s-hwun’ts’awuqwstuhw sus ‘uw thuyt thu statluw’ ‘u thu hunitum hatchery development. Kw’i hwnuwust, kw’am kw’um hwulmuhw Snuw’uy’ulh, ‘uw thuyt thu kw’atl’kwa’stuhw sus ‘uw kw’am kw’um ‘u thu hwulmuhw ‘u thu s-hwun’ts’awuqw staam ‘uw kw’ikw’i’ukwstuhw.

Simultaneously, navigating complex regulatory frameworks is vital, as these policies directly influence the sustainability of fisheries. Shawn notes that, “federal fisheries policies have a significant impact on our business, especially with the consistent closings of fisheries such as salmon.”   This underscores the need for a regulatory environment that supports rather than hinders sustainable practices. This interplay of adaptive strategies and policy dynamics suggests that a comprehensive, community-driven approach is vital for the long-term viability of Indigenous commercial fisheries.

Tl’e qul’et, ‘uw ta’lut ‘u tl’ux hwnuwust ‘u thu syaays ‘i thithat,’u tun’a hwnuwust ‘uw ‘eeye’qtum’u thu kw’akw’i’ukwstaam. Shawn qwi qwal ‘u,” hunitum hwnuwust sus ‘uw qul shqwaluwun ‘u thu syaays, nan ‘uw ‘u mukw stem ‘unuhw sus ‘uw kw’awk’i’ukw tuw’ne’ullh steelhtun.” kw’i ‘u thu hunitum federal fisheries hwnuwust nu’stl’i’ ‘uy hwnuwust kw’i ‘unuhw kw’ikw’i’ukwstuhw. Kw’i ‘uw yaays ‘u qe’is shqwaluwun sus hwnuwuststaam ‘uw qwiqwal ‘uw ‘u statulstuhw, tu s-hwun’ts’awuqw staam ‘uw thithat ‘u qux silanum ‘uy shqwaluwun ‘u thu hunitum Indigenous commercial fisheries.

Together, these three findings highlight the interconnected challenges and responses within the sector, suggesting that a holistic approach incorporating community input and adaptive strategies is essential for moving forward.

Kwun’atul’, kw’i lhew ‘u tatul’ut wi’wul ‘u lh’qet sus ‘uw tqet sus ‘uw qwi’qwal ‘u tun’ni’ tsun ‘utl, wa’lu ‘u ‘uy shqwaluwun nem ‘u s-hwun’ts’awuqw staam sus ‘uw ‘eeye’qtum shqwaluwun ‘i thithat ‘u xwte’.

Recommendations

In light of the critical challenges faced by QKE and the broader Indigenous commercial fisheries, we propose the following recommendations. While primarily relevant to Indigenous communities and CFEs, these recommendations also call for significant involvement from federal and local governments, acknowledging their crucial role in supporting and implementing sustainable practices. This multi-stakeholder approach is essential for addressing the environmental, cultural, and economic challenges vital for the long-term health of fish stocks and the communities dependent on them.

Wa’lu ‘u thithat ‘uw tqet ‘u nasum ‘u thu QKE, sus ‘uw mukw hunitum Indigenous commercial Fisheries, tst qwi’qwul ‘u kwe’tum thu snuw’uy’ulh. Wulh “uy shwaluwun ‘u thu hwulmuhw s-hwun’ts’awuqw sus CFEs, tthuw’ne’ullh nanum nu’stl’i’ ‘u thithat ‘u nanum thu hunitum federal sus local governments, tul’nuhw ‘uw ‘uy shqwaluwuns ‘u si’ellh stuhw ‘u yaays ‘uw ‘uy Hulitun hwnuwust. Kw’i tu’ul’tun xwte’ ‘u thithat sus ‘uw thuyt thu tumuhw, shqwaluwun, sus telu’stuhw tqet thithat ‘u thu nuts’a maat shqwaluwun ‘u hulitun ‘u steelhtun ‘emuqt ‘u thu s-hwun’ts’awuqwstaam.

Recommendation 1
Advocate for comprehensive environmental and industrial impact assessments

We encourage communities and CFEs to advocate for thorough environmental impact assessments that incorporate the effects of climate change, overfishing, pollution, and nearby industrial activities such as logging and milling. These assessments should provide a holistic view of how these factors interact and impact fish populations, supporting sustainable management practices aligned with the Tsawalk principle. While the primary responsibility for initiating these assessments could lie with federal and provincial governments, active advocacy and participation by Indigenous communities and CFEs is essential. Advocacy for these assessments should be ongoing but particularly assertive in the pre-planning stages of any new industrial activities that could impact the fisheries. This proactive approach ensures that environmental considerations are integrated from the outset rather than retroactively. Additionally, advocacy should also focus on retroactive assessments for ongoing or established industrial activities. By taking a proactive and retroactive approach this ensures that the assessments are not only comprehensive but also culturally and environmentally sensitive, aligned with the Tsawalk principle.

tst qwi’qwal’ thu s-hwun’tsawuqw sus CFEs ‘u qwi’qwal ‘u kw’am kwum nanum ‘u thu thuyt thu tumuhw kw’i ‘i ‘uw ‘eeye’qmut ‘u thu tumuhw, qux kw’awk’i’ukw, quliima’ qa’sus ‘uw tl’uts’‘u hunitum industrial activities such as logging milling.Kw’i nanum ‘ehwe’ ‘uw thi’maat shqwaluwun kw’i nuts’tul nanum sus ‘eeyeqmut steelhtun ‘emuqt, si’ellh stuhw ‘uw hulitunstuhw hwnuwust ‘uw kwun’utul’ ‘u thu Tsawalk hwnuwust. Sht’e nuts’a ‘u thu syaays ‘uw xwte’ ‘uw nanum ‘uw kwsutst thu hunitum Federal sus provincial governments, qwi’qwalstaam sus uw thuytum ‘u thu hwulmuhw s-hwun’ts’awuqw sus CFEs ‘u nu’st’i’. Qw’qwalstaam ‘uw nanum thuw mukw stem ‘u kw’am kwum qwi’qwal ‘u tu tse’ul ‘u sqwaluwunthut ‘u qe’is ‘u hunitum industrial activities kw’i ‘eeyeqmut kw’awk’i’ukw. kw’i ‘uy shqwaluwun xwte’ ‘uw thuyt thu tumuhw nanum ‘u hawqwushus ‘u tu tse’ul ‘uw ‘uwu te’ ‘uw yathulh. ‘i’, qwi’qwalstaam nu’stl’i’ yath ‘uw le’lum’ut thu nanum xwte’ ‘u thu nanum hwu thu hunitum industrial activities. ‘u kwun’ut ‘u ‘uy shqwaluwun sus hwu shqwaluwun kw’i yath ‘uw ‘u nanum ‘uw yath ‘uw statulstuhw ‘uw ‘uy shqwaluwun thu hwulmuhw ‘uw ‘u yaays ‘u tumuhw, kwun’utul’ ‘u thu Tsawalk hwnuwust.

Recommendation 2
Lead an ecosystem mapping initiative

We suggest communities and CFEs develop a detailed ecosystem mapping initiative that identifies key players in the fishing industry, including regulatory bodies, local communities, environmental groups, and industry stakeholders. Led by Indigenous communities in partnership with environmental NGOs, this initiative should be supported by technical expertise from governmental agencies. Funding should be sought from governmental and private sources to ensure comprehensive coverage and utilization of advanced mapping technologies. This mapping should prioritize understanding the causes behind declining fish stocks, focusing first on direct and indirect impacts, such as habitat destruction and industrial runoff, to facilitate targeted and effective conservation strategies. This initiative should be undertaken as a baseline activity and updated regularly, or when significant environmental or industrial changes are proposed. Such updates will help monitor existing conservation strategies’ ongoing impacts and effectiveness.

tst qwi’qwalstaam ‘u thu s-hwun’ts’awaqw sus CFEs thuyt ‘u kw’am kw’um tumuhw nanumstuhw kw’i ‘uw kw’awk’i’ukw hunitum industry mustimuhw, tl’e’ hwnuwust mustimuhw, s-hwun’ts’awuqw, thuyt thu tumuhw mustimuhw, sus Hunitum stakeholders, xwte’ ‘u hwulmuhw s=hwun’ts’awuqw ‘u hunitum environmental NGOs ‘ kw’i xwte’ ‘u nu’stl’i’ ‘uw si’ellh stuhw ‘u hunitum expertise from government agencies. Telu ‘uw lemutstaam ‘u hunitum governmental susprivate sources ‘u tse’ statulstuhw ‘u thi’lut sus ‘uw haqwushus ‘u qe’is hunitum mapping technologies. Kw’i hunitum mapping tse’ ‘u xwte’ statulstuhw shus ‘uw ‘uwu te’ qux steelhtun’’emuqt, le’lum’ut nuts’a ‘u qul Sus wa’wa’ qul shwaluwun, ‘u tsaas tumuhw sus hunitum industrial runoff, ‘u xwte’ ‘u thuyt Thu tumuhw shqwaluwun.Kw’i shuw xwte’‘u thu nanum ni’’u ‘eeyeqtum yaays sus ‘uw thuytumstaam, kwsun’s ‘uw thuytum thu tumuhw ‘u hunitum indutrial changes are proposed. Tthuw’ne’ullh qe’is nunum ‘uw ts’ewut ‘uw le’lum’ut ‘u thu ‘uy shqwaluwun sus ‘uw ts’ewutum.

Recommendation 3
Establish climate-resilient partnership programs

Partnership programs that include Indigenous communities, commercial fisheries, environmental agencies, and other relevant stakeholders should focus on developing adaptive strategies that mitigate the impacts of identified threats, such as climate change and industrial pollution. In collaboration with CFEs, Indigenous communities should lead these programs, with technical and financial support provided by government agencies. Such arrangements should be formalized through memorandums of understanding to clarify roles, responsibilities, and contributions from all parties involved. Partnership programs should be initiated in response to identified threats and vulnerabilities within the fisheries ecosystem that could be exacerbated by climate change or industrial activities. Regular environmental audits and risk assessments should trigger reviews and updates to these strategies.

kwun’utul’ yaays kwi’es lhilhukw’ut thu hwulmuhw s-hwun’ts’uwuqw, hunitum commercial fisheries, Environmental agencies sus nuts’tul hunitum relevent stakeholders ‘uw thuyt ‘u qe’is snuw’uy’ulh ‘uw ts’ewut ‘u yaays ‘uw thuytum thu tumuhw, tu’inilh hunitum climate change and industrial pollution. Sun’iw’ ‘u kwun’atul’ ‘u CFEs, hwulmuhw s-hwun’ts’awuqw ‘u xwte’ thu syaays, q’a’ hunitum technical and financial support provided by government agencies. Kw’i xte’ q’a’ ‘uw qwil’qwul’tul ‘u hunitum through memorandums of understanding to clarify roles, responsibilities, and contributions ‘uw mukw’lhet. Kwun’atul’ syaays niilh xwte’ ‘uw yaays sun’iw qwi’qwal ‘uw lemut thu qul shqaluwun sus maanthut q’a’ut ‘uw hunitum fisheries ecosystem kw’i ‘uw lhtsiws ‘uw ‘eeye’qmut ‘u thu kw’atl’kwa ‘u hunitum industrial activities. Hunitum regular environmental audits and risk assessments xwte’ staam le’lum’ut pqwutsun qe’is thu snuw’uy’ulh.

Conclusion

The case study of QKE reveals the intricate layers of challenges and opportunities within the Indigenous commercial fisheries sector, underpinned by the Tsawalk principle of interconnectedness. This study has highlighted the critical roles that environmental stewardship, cultural integrity, and sustainable economic practices play in maintaining the balance between community welfare and ecological health. As we look forward, the recommendations proposed aim to build a resilient future for Indigenous fisheries through comprehensive ecosystem management, collaborative approaches, and the integration of traditional knowledge with modern practices. The success of these initiatives requires a commitment from all stakeholders to respect and honour the complex relationships that define the health of both the community and the environment.

kw’i nanum ‘u thu QKE ‘uw lumstuhw ‘u tl’ux ‘u thu syaays ‘u tqet staam sus yaays q’a’ suniw thu hwulmuhw hunitum commercial fisheries sector, thithat ‘u thu Tsawalk hwnuwust ‘u nuts’a maat shqwaluwun. Kw’i nunum lemut thithat yaays ‘u le’lum’utstuhw thu tumuhw ‘uy shqwaluwun, sus hulitun telu’stuhw hwnuwust ‘uw kw’am kw’um thu shqwaluwun shhw-e’yu s-hwun’ts’awuqw shqwaluwun ‘u thu tumuhw hulitun. Kwutst lemut xwte’ ‘u nanum qwi’qwul’tul ‘uw thuyt ‘u tl’ux yuluw’en ‘u hwulmuhw kw’awk’i’ukw ‘u statulstuhw Kw’atl’kwa’stuhw, kwun’atul’ xwte’, sus ‘uw hawqwushus ‘u snuw’uy ulh q’a’ qe’is snuw’uy’ulh. ‘uw wulh hay thu syaays ‘uw nu’stl’i’ ‘u thu’it shqwaluwun thuwmukw Hunitum stakeholders ‘uw si’em sus stsi’sulh tl’ux shqwaluwun ‘u thu hulitun ‘u s-uy’aan ‘u thu s-hwun’ts’awuqw sus ’u thu tumuhw.

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1 Data was analyzed using reflexive thematic analysis, following Braun and Clarke’s (2006) guidelines.

Exploring Indigenous-led distributed energy systems in New Brunswick

Introduction in Mi’kmaq, New Brunswick dialect

[Click to see in English] L’nue’kati’l ta’n New Brunswick na etekl ta’n nikantuk ta’n tett teliknaq sa’se’wa’sik, ki’s wesuwa’tmkl nuta’ql elkusuwatmkl ukjit nisa’tmk ta’n teliknaq aqq ewikasik ekkat jiltek ta’n nekemowk kepme’kl Utann ukjit na naji-petlewikl ta’n na utann aqq msit New Brunswickewaq (CBC, 2022) ( New Brunswick Mlkikno’ti, 2023) (New Brunswick Mlkikno’ti, 2024).  Utann, nkutey Amlamkuk (Amlamkukewey Utan), na kiskajo’ltijik ukjit ta’n wejku’waql elkusuwasikl ula ta’n elteskemk. Ta’n nenmi’titl ankaptmk nike’ na naji-petlewa’tutij teliknaq Wksankewo’ti, teliknaq kelpitasik, aqq we’jitmk kejitmkl maqmikewel ukjit kisitasik kwilutasik-apaji-klusimk kisaptasikl ukjit nisa’tun ta’n siawikwutikl siptaqtestoq ta’n na provincialey wasoqenawek nastaqtek wejiaq kisitasik aqq tewa’tkitasik ta’n utan-enkasik iknmuetasik teliknaq kisitasikl (DES). 

Ula telitpiaq ekitk kwilk ta’n teltekl ta’n iknmuetasikl teliknaql kisitasikl, ta’n tel-wikasik aqq tetpaqa’tasik weskewa’timk etek kiskuk ta’n ika’toql anqateskawekl ukjit meski’k wesuwa’luksin ta’n ula kisitasikl, aqq ta’n L’nue’kati’l na kelu’kewe’l telpukuwultijik ukjit sapteskmnew ta’n anqateskawekl.

First Nations in New Brunswick are at the forefront of the energy transition, having already taken significant steps to reduce the energy and carbon footprint in their respective nations for the betterment of their communities and all New Brunswickers ( (CBC News, 2021); (New Brunswick Power, 2023); (New Brunswick Power, 2024) (CBC News, 2022)). Nations, like Amlamgog (Fort Folly First Nation), are poised to take the next steps of this journey. Their ambitions focus now on enhancing energy sovereignty, energy security, and establishing proving grounds for innovative demand-response solutions to reduce the ever-growing strain on the provincial electricity grid through development and deployment of community-scale distributed energy systems (DES).

This case study explores the concepts of distributed energy systems, the policy and regulatory arena present today that imposes barriers to broad adoption of these systems, and how First Nations are uniquely positioned to overcome these barriers.

Distributed energy systems

Distributed energy systems (DES) can take many forms. They refer to a suite of technologies and protocols that allow for energy to be generated and/or stored closer to the point of use, rather than reliance on vast distribution networks  (Pepermans, Driesen, Haeseldonckx, & D’haeseleer, 2005). These systems can include elements such as solar panels, wind turbines, micro-hydroelectric units, gas-fired microturbines, combined heat and power (CHP) plants, energy storage solutions (like batteries), and other demand-response technologies.

Key features of DES include: 

  1. Decentralization: Energy production occurs closer to the end user, which can enhance energy security and reliability.
  2. Renewable energy integration: DES often incorporate renewable energy sources, helping to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and reliance on fossil fuels.
  3. Grid resilience: By diversifying energy sources and locations, distributed systems can enhance the resilience of the broader energy grid, making it less susceptible to outages.
  4. Scalability: Distributed energy systems can often be deployed incrementally, allowing for flexible growth in accordance with localized energy demands.
  5. Local energy generation: This approach can empower communities and businesses to manage their energy needs and costs more effectively.
  6. Democratization:  Refers to making energy generation and management more accessible, participatory, and equitable, shifting power (literally and figuratively) away from centralized utilities and toward individuals, communities, and smaller entities.

In application, DES could include:

  1. Residential use: Homeowners can install rooftop solar panels or small wind turbines to offset a home’s energy consumption. When coupled with an energy storage system (such as a battery), energy could be generated during off-peak hours, stored, and discharged to the home during times of peak demand on the grid.
  2. Commercial use: Businesses might use CHP systems or battery storage to reduce peak demand, resulting in energy cost savings by reducing demand charges, and increase efficiency.
  3. Microgrids: These localized grids can operate independently or in conjunction with the traditional grid, often using a mix of distributed energy sources. Microgrids can be scaled to serve industrial or institutional campuses, neighbourhoods, and even communities.

Figure 1 below compares a typical centralized grid against a distributed grid configuration. In the distributed system example, the energy storage units shown are in close proximity to end users and allows for the integration of local CHP plants along with domestic consumer generation including solar and CHP.

Distributed energy systems and the regulatory arena

The regulatory environment for electricity in New Brunswick is shaped by various governmental bodies, legislation, and policies aimed at overseeing the generation, transmission, distribution, and retail of electricity. We outline the main features below. 

  1. The Electricity Act outlines the framework for managing and regulating the electric power industry in New Brunswick. It encompasses the responsibilities of the New Brunswick Energy and Utilities Board (NBEUB) and establishes guidelines for utility operations and rate-setting. New Brunswick operates under a regulated market structure, where the main utility, New Brunswick Power Corporation (NB Power), has a dominant position.
  2. The Electricity Act further establishes government policy for the electricity system. It states that NB Power’s “sources and facilities for the supply, transmission and distribution of electricity within the province should be managed and operated in a manner that is consistent with reliable, safe and economically sustainable service.” The Act also outlines a cost-of-service operating model, within which the system should be managed in such a way that results in the lowest cost to consumers (Government of New Brunswick, 2013). 
  3. The NBEUB is an independent quasi-judicial tribunal that regulates electricity and natural gas utilities in New Brunswick, to ensure that customers receive safe and reliable service at just and reasonable rates. NBEUB regulates the rates charged by NB Power, the provincially-owned electric utility, and enforces reliability standards (New Brunswick Energy & Utilities Board, 2025). 
  4. NB Power is the main utility in the province, responsible for the generation, transmission, and distribution of electricity. It is publicly owned and operates a balanced mix of generation facilities including nuclear, hydroelectric, and fossil fuel/thermal plants (New Brunswick Power, 2025). There are three local distribution utilities in New Brunswick, namely Saint John Energy, Edmundston Energy and Perth-Andover Electric Light Commission.

The New Brunswick Electricity Act states “No person, other than the [New Brunswick Power] Corporation, shall sell or supply electricity to a consumer or municipal distribution utility within the province” (Government of New Brunswick, 2013). Despite this, the regulations do allow for Independent Power Producers (IPPs) to operate in New Brunswick, through a strict set of arrangements. IPPs enter into Power Purchase Agreements (PPAs) with NB Power that define terms for selling electricity back to the grid. They are also required to obtain a license to operate from the NBEUB. From time to time, based on the utility’s projected demands from their Integrated Resource Plan (IRP) (New Brunswick Power, 2023), NB Power will issue Requests for Expressions of Interest (REOI) for new generation assets from IPPs. Recent REOIs include a call in 2023 for up to 220 megawatts (MW) of renewable resources and up to 50 MW of energy storage (New Brunswick Power, 2023), and a call seeking qualified respondents to build, own, and operate a 400 MW simple-cycle combustion turbine generating station (New Brunswick Power, 2024).

What does this all mean? The electricity market in New Brunswick is heavily regulated, with the provincial utility (NB Power) exclusively responsible for generation, transmission, and distribution of electricity. While IPPs are permitted to operate, the Government of New Brunswick establishes the market and operating conditions for these producers. Small-scale behind-the-meter renewable generation is permitted; however, these systems are capped today at 100 kilowatt (kW) and the resultant net-metering agreements offer no financial returns for excess electricity generated through these systems on an annual basis. Further, there is no open energy trading market within the distribution system, meaning there is no path for peer-to-peer energy trading between consumers.

If a First Nation were interested in pursuing a heightened state of energy independence and energy sovereignty, one of the only mechanism available today would be through a response to a Request for Expression of Interest for new generation assets from NB Power. This would be an open and competitive bid process, aimed at procuring electricity at rates that result in ratepayer benefit (i.e., savings).

Amlamgog (Fort Folly First Nation)Leadership from the forefront of the energy transition

Amlamgog (Fort Folly First Nation) is a Mi’kmaq community located in New Brunswick, Canada. Established in 1840, the community is situated near the village of Dorchester, along the southeastern coast of New Brunswick. The community is part of the larger Mi’kmaq Nation, which has a rich cultural heritage and a history that dates back thousands of years.

Amlamgog has approximately 140 registered members (Government of Canada, 2025), with an on-reserve population of approximately 60. The community is comprised of approximately 35 residences, six band-owned commercial buildings, including a recently constructed five-unit elder’s residence. 

In recent years, based on a commitment made by Chief and Council, Amlamgog has taken several bold steps in advancing the community’s sustainability goals, for the betterment of future generations.

  1. In 2022, Amlamgog commissioned four net-metering solar systems connected to commercial buildings in the community (CBC, 2021). The total installed solar capacity is 112 kW with an annual production of approximately 144,000 kWh/yr, and a lifetime greenhouse gas (GHG) reduction of 1,771 tonnes CO2 (Natural Forces Solar, 2024). 
  1. In 2023, Amlamgog, supported by the North Shore Mi’kmaq Tribal Council, undertook development of a Community Energy Plan (CEP) consisting of a community energy assessment, a community energy and emissions plan, and an emissions reduction pathway. One of the key findings of the CEP demonstrated that the per-capita electrical consumption in the community was approximately half when compared with the New Brunswick average (9,118 vs. 17,600 kWh/person/year) (Quest Canada, 2024). This can largely be attributed to the net-metering solar systems that are operating in the community. 
  2. Amlamgog has committed to enhancing the building envelope for all new residential and commercial construction projects through methods such as insulated concrete form exterior wall systems, resulting in a lower energy and environmental footprint for all new developments. Although not formally adopted as a policy, the community has expressed interest in making this formal commitment (Quest Canada, 2024).
  3. Amlamgog is actively participating in the NB Power First Nations Energy Efficiency Program. By the end of 2025, approximately 17 per cent of the community’s housing stock will have undergone a comprehensive energy retrofit, including conversion of the remaining fuel oil heating systems to electric.
  4. Amlamgog has committed to fully electrifying corporate operations, including fleet assets. The nation has recently purchased its first electric vehicle (EV) and is advancing plans to install banks of EV chargers to support this transition. The community is also seeking to install revenue-grade fast changers, which would serve the public and provide an alternative own-source revenue stream.

With a total electrical consumption of 666,255 kWh in 2023, Amlamgog is well within reach of achieving the status of a net-zero energy community. Doing so, however, would require a combination of regulatory and infrastructure investments.

Taking the next steps – Integration of distributed energy systems in Amlamgog

[Click to see in English] Msit mesnmk nationaley aqq provincialey teliknaq sa’se’wa’sik mesnmkl na nuta’qtital msit ta’n ilapaqewemkewe’l ta’n na ilapaqawemkewe’l-masqwa’tasikl. L’nue’kati’l utann, nkutey Amlamkuk ta’n New Brunswick, na kelu’lkewe’l telpukuwikl ukjit almi’jkan nikana’tu’n tel-lukwen na kisitaqetijik ta’n Kana’taewey waqme’k teliknaq sa’se’wa’sik. Nekemowk apoqnmua’tijikw ta’n ketloqoe’l apoqnmuekl, melkuktmk ta’n westawiasik aqq tel-lukwemk ukjit kaqi tetpaqtek telo’ltimk kjijitaqn elt kiskukewey espitasikewey kelu’lkewe’l telpukuwimkl ukjit na layjitunew sa’se’wa’sik pilu’tek ta’n welapetmkl kitk L’nu’k aqq mu L’nu’k te’sultijik. Ekina’mujik L’nu’k nikanusk Ula ta’n etek na nuta’q ukjit mesnmk na tplutaqniktuk, tetpaqtek, aqq westawiasik teliknaq elmi’knik.

Fully achieving national and provincial energy transition goals will require all the tools in the toolbox. Indigenous communities, like Amlamgog in New Brunswick, are uniquely positioned to play a leading role as innovators in Canada’s clean energy transition. Their stewardship of natural resources, commitment to sustainability, and ability to balance traditional knowledge with modern technology uniquely positions them to drive transformative change that benefits both Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations. Empowering Indigenous leadership in this space is essential to achieving a just, equitable, and sustainable energy future.

If we think about communities as a single electrical load, the ability to have communities operate independently from the electrical grid in times of peak demand (in what is sometimes referred to as “island mode”) would enhance the overall resiliency and reliability of a region’s electrical grid. These islanded grids can also be used to rebuild the larger grid if there is a major unplanned outage.

On February 4, 2023, New Brunswick faced a record-high demand of 3,394 MW (Conservation Council of New Brunswick, 2023) due to a severe cold weather event that place considerable strain on the provincial grid and the portfolio of generation assets managed by NB Power. With neighbouring jurisdictions under the same duress, electricity imports were unavailable—New Brunswick was forced to operate in a state of self-reliance.

Had all 15 First Nation communities in the province of New Brunswick (see Figure 4 below) been equipped with community-scale distributed energy systems, the result would have been the equivalent of turning on a moderately-sized power plant, without the cost and complexity of having to construct one.

In a situation where every electron matters, having additional capacity margin in the right locations can mean the difference between grid stability and outages.

In Amlamgog, a community-scale distributed energy system could take many forms but would likely consist of a micro-grid coupled with a small generation asset and/or energy storage system. A micro-grid forms a localized electricity grid, independent from the main power grid. Through a micro-grid controller, the system balances supply into the grid because of demand.

Generation could come from a variety of sources, including:

  • A community-scale solar farm, like the Shediac Smart Energy Community Project (New Brunswick Power, 2025) coupled with a battery energy storage system. In development of the Amlamgog Community Energy Plan, community members identified potential locations for a community solar park and expressed interest in exploring agrivoltaics (the integration of solar energy generation with agricultural practices on the same land). 
  • A community-scale wind farm or integration of vertical-axis wind turbines, coupled with a battery energy storage system. During development of the Amlamgog Community Energy Plan, community members expressed concerns related to noise which would require further evaluation due to the small footprint of the community (Quest Canada, 2024).
  • A community-scale battery energy storage system, charged via the NB Power grid at times of low demand and dissipated during times of peak demand on the grid. 
  • A community-scale geothermal energy plant, similar to the Tu Deh-Kah Geothermal project in British Columbia (Tu Deh-Kah Geothermal, 2025). This option is judged to be less feasible given the limited application of these types of systems in Canada as a whole. 
  • A combined heat and power (CHP) co-generation plant, with biomass, natural gas or biofuel as the primary feedstock. An existing biomass heating system serving the existing commercial building could be replaced with a CHP plant, providing the potential to add additional heat load such as year-round food production (e.g., greenhouses), addressing food security in addition to energy security. The North Bay Ontario Community Energy Park, located in North Bay, Ontario, is an excellent example of such a system (Community Energy Park, n.d.). 

One consideration of importance to Amlamgog would be selecting a system that ensured a net-positive environmental and emissions benefit that could help accelerate the community’s mission of achieving net-zero carbon emissions. New Brunswick’s electrical grid in 2025 yields a carbon intensity of 350g CO2e/kWh (Government of Canada, 2024). A distributed energy system with embedded generation would be required to demonstrate that overall GHG emissions for the community were lower than drawing from the provincial grid. 

[Click to see in English] Ta’n kespi wikasik: tepiaql espitasikl etekl kiskuk ukjit ika’lan Amlamkuk (aqq pilewe’l utann) ukjit sia’wa’tun ta’n tel-lukwutijik ukjit mesnmk teliknaq Wksankewo’ti aqq teliknaq newtukwa’lukwemk.  Ta’n anqateskawekl? Ta’n tetpaqa’qewey weskewita’mk aqq we’jitmk ta’n na melkiknaq lukwaqn telitpiaq ukjit kina’muen ta’n welapetmk ta’n ula kisite’tasikl we’jitasikl kisitasikl ala’tutal msit teliknaq kelpitmk ukjit msit New Brunswickewaq.

The bottom line: sufficient technologies exist today to enable Amlamgog (and other communities) to advance their mission of achieving energy sovereignty and energy independence. The barriers? The regulatory arena and establishment of a strong business case to demonstrate the benefit that these strategically located systems would have on the overall energy security for all New Brunswickers.

What needs to happen?

To advance implementation of distributed energy systems in First Nations communities, this case study proposes a series of recommendations including undertaking a detailed analysis and modelling of the potential benefits, establishing of a regulatory sandbox, and amending the policy and regulatory framework governing electricity in the province of New Brunswick.

  1. Nikana’te’n L’nuey-nikana’tasik Teliknaql Tel-lukwemkl | Prioritize Indigenous-led energy initiatives

Amending provincial energy policy to specifically support First Nations in developing their own energy projects will promote energy sovereignty and economic development. NB Power’s LORESS program, which prioritized small-scale (<20MW) renewable energy projects involving First Nation partners, is an example of what has worked in the past (Government of New Brunswick, 2016). The full evolution would involve creation of mechanisms through which First Nations would have paths to market for their own innovative energy solutions. 

  1. We’jite’n aqq Elte’n ta’n Lukwaqn Telitpiaq | Establish and model the business case

A more robust modelling of the net benefit that distributed energy systems could deliver to ratepayers and the provincial grid is required. The Government of New Brunswick or NB Power could commission such a study, in partnership with New Brunswick First Nations and other non-governmental organizations such as Smart Grid Innovation Network (Smart Grid Innovation Network, n.d.). Federal partners such as Natural Resource Canada’s Smart Renewable and Electrification Pathway Program could be a source for funding resources to support this initiative, as could innovation accelerators such as Foresight Canada. Peak demand profiles, grid connection studies, and system integration and controls are all elements that require further study. 

  1. We’jite’n Amlamkuk ta’n na Wikimk Wetnu’kwatmkuo’kuo’m aqq Espitasik Kejitoq Maqmikew | Establish Amlamgog as a living lab and technology proving ground

In a similar way that Shediac, New Brunswick became a proving ground for integration of grid-scale solar, behind-the-meter solar coupled with battery energy storage systems, and smart thermostats through the Shediac Smart Energy Community Project, Amlamgog is well advanced and positioned be the host site for integration of a community micro-grid and sustainable energy generation. This ecosystem would be best established as a form of “regulatory sandbox” that allows businesses, especially startups and innovators, but in this case also utilities and private sector partners, to test their products, services, or business models in a controlled environment. The Province of New Brunswick could establish the necessary conditions for such a lab through regulatory amendments.

  1. Wesuwa’tasik ta’n na Iknmuetmk Teliknaq Apoqnmuek Tel-wikasik Telita’simk | Adoption of a distributed energy resource policy mindset

To progress beyond pilot projects, this case study recommends the province adopt and incorporate a community-scale distributed energy resource policy mindset. Amendments to the Electricity Act have been made on several occasions in recent years including Bill 10 (Government of New Brunswick, 2023), which allows for the sale of electricity from a renewable generation facility (i.e., wind farm) directly to a new electricity consumer, and allows for the maximum price NB Power can pay for electricity generated by advanced small modular reactors to be established by regulation. There is a policy framework in place today that allows for “inside the fence” renewable and low-carbon generation at large industrial sites in the province; amendments that establish First Nation communities as being inside the fence is one potential path. Other paths include structures to enable renewable-to-retail such as the Nova Scotia Power Community Solar Garden  (Nova Scotia Power – An Emera Company, 2025) or expansion of the net-metering renewable generation to monetize and incentivize excess capacity back to the grid, especially in times of peak demand. 

Additional examples of Indigenous-led energy innovation

Across Turtle Island, there are many additional examples of Indigenous-led innovations in the energy transition that are delivering value to society. Key to these projects is a suite of enabling conditions including financial catalysts, legislative amendments, and energy market conditions.

ProjectSree Vyàa (Old Crow Solar Project)Tu-Deh-Kah Geothermal ProjectMontana First Nation Microgrid Project
LocationOld Crow, YukonFort Nelson, British ColumbiaMontana First Nation, Alberta
Nation(s) involvedVuntut Gwitchin First NationFort Nelson First NationMontana First Nation
Approach
940 kW DC solar array, a 616-kWh battery energy storage system and micro-grid controller replaced historic reliance on diesel generators.

Generation of 7 to 15 MW of clean electricity through a closed-loop binary geothermal system with Organic Rankine Cycle turbines, sufficient to power around 10,000 homes.

Akamihk Energy, owned by Montana First Nation, will investigate the potential to integrate all electricity distribution infrastructure and service on Montana First Nation’s lands into a consolidated microgrid; manage energy flows within that grid; and meter exchange to the Alberta Interconnected Electric System (AIES)
Impact
Displaces 190,000 liters of diesel fuel annually, reduces annual GHG emissions by 680 tonnes of CO₂ equivalent, and generates $10.5M in revenue for the nation over a 25-year lifespan. 

Transformation of existing natural gas field into sustainable geothermal energy facility. Beyond electricity generation, the project plans to leverage excess heat for additional economic activities, such as agriculture, tourism, and heating buildings, thereby promoting energy security and economic growth in the region.

Akamihk Energy is a 100% Montana First Nation owned company and operates as a Rural Electrification Association. The company operates at arm’s length from Montana First Nation Chief and Council. Beyond the power generation benefits to the FN, the business includes agrivoltaics, new home construction and streetlight sales. 
Enabling conditions
The Yukon government created pieces of legislation, including necessary independent power producer policy regulations, to make this project possible – demonstrating how governments and communities can partner to unleash opportunity.
As British Columbia’s first 100 per cent Indigenous-owned commercial-scale geothermal power plant, Tu Deh-Kah Geothermal exemplifies Indigenous leadership in sustainable energy development.

The permit for this project was granted by the BC Ministry of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation.

Capacity funding ($1M) from NRCan Smart Renewable and Electrification Pathways Program, and de-regulated energy market
Referencehttps://arctic-council.org/news/the-old-crow-solar-project/https://tudehkah.comhttps://akamihkenergy.com

The path forward

[Click to see in English] Ta’n awti ta’n na mu koqoey te’wijuwiktnuk elmi’knik pemiaq sia’wa’sik telo’ltimk L’nuey maqmikew, aqq mu eyktnuk awti ta’n mu koqoey wiaqtektnuk L’nu wiaqa’lut.

Ke’sk na msit wesuwa’tu’tij etek ta’n L’nu’k wiaqa’luj kiskuk na mekwaye’k kikto’qu lukwaqnn ukjit tel-lukwemk piley teliknaq kisitasikl (nkutey Nike’ ta’n Nuweg Teliknaq Kisitasik), na’te’l etek ta’n so’qiaq elukwemk ukjit ta’n Province na New Brunswick aqq ta’n provincial ewe’mek (NB Mlkikno’ti) ukjit lukwen na naji-kikjuk toqi-lukwutimk elt L’nu’k toqo’ma’tiji ukjit kisaptmnew ta’n metuwe’kl lukwaqnikl a’sekek ta’n wasoqenawek nastaqtek kiskuk.

The path to a net-zero carbon future runs through traditional Indigenous territory, and there is no path to net-zero without Indigenous inclusion.

While the generally accepted premise of Indigenous inclusion today is centred around opportunities to participate in new energy developments such as the Nuweg Energy Project, there exists an emerging opportunity for the Province of New Brunswick and the provincial utility (NB Power) to work in closer unison with First Nation partners to solve the difficult challenges facing the electricity grid today. 

Distributed energy systems have proven their application and value in several use cases, some of which are explored in this case study.

The hurdles to seeing these systems adopted more broadly, however, are not technological in nature. Rather, it is the electricity market ecosystem in New Brunswick that currently restricts adoption of this type of innovation.

Policy, legislation and regulatory amendments, or alternatively, the creation of a “regulatory sandbox” could accelerate the adoption of innovative energy systems, as one of the tools in the energy transition toolbox.

First Nation communities in New Brunswick, exemplified by Amlamgog, have taken bold first steps in recent years on the journey to a net-zero future. Community energy planning, investments in behind-the-meter energy generation assets, commitments to lowering the energy and carbon footprint of residential and commercial building infrastructure and advancing initiatives including fleet electrification and EV charging infrastructure deployment are some of the early achievements. 

With much of the early groundwork already completed, a First Nation like Amlamgog, having been at the forefront of the energy transition already for some time, is now poised to participate fully in the development of policy and regulatory reform to enable broad integration of distributed energy systems in the New Brunswick market. If enabled, benefits could be realized across the entire provincial grid.

First Nations are already demonstrating what sustainable communities of the future will look like. It is time to break down the barriers to this force of innovation for the benefit of all Canadians. Who better to lead than our First Nations? 

Work cited

CBC. (2021, October 21). Fort Folly First Nation makes big switch to solar energy. Retrieved from https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/new-brunswick/fort-folly-solar-energy-1.6218146

CBC. (2022, September 16). Mi’kmaw community hopes net-zero building reduces carbon footprint and saves money. Retrieved from https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/mi-kmaq-net-zero-building-1.6583720

Conservation Council of New Brunswick. (2023, May). Wind Energy is Reliable: Debunking Claims that Wind Power Failed New Brunswickers when they Needed it Most. Retrieved from https://www.conservationcouncil.ca/wp-content/uploads/2023/05/Wind-energy-is-reliable.pdf

Government of Canada. (2025, January). Registered Population – Fort Folly. Retrieved from https://fnp-ppn.aadnc-aandc.gc.ca/fnp/Main/Search/FNRegPopulation.aspx?BAND_NUMBER=9&lang=eng

Government of New Brunswick. (2013, June 21). New Brunswick Electricity Act.

National Indigenous Nations and Electrification: Strategy to Accelerate Indigenous Ownership of Net Aero Infrastructure in Canada, First Nations Major Projects Coalition https://fnmpc.ca/tools-and-resources/reports-publications/

Natural Forces Solar. (2024). Fort Folly First Nation. Retrieved from https://naturalforcessolar.ca/commercial/fort-folly-first-nation/

NB Power. (2024). Shediac Smart Energy Community Project. Retrieved from https://www.nbpower.com/en/grid-modernization/smart-grid-atlantic/shediac-smart-energy-community-project/

New Brunswick Energy and Utilities Board. (2025). Retrieved from https://nbeub.ca.

New Brunswick Power. (2023). 2023 Integrated Resource Plan: Pathways to a Net-Zero Electricity System. Retrieved from https://www.nbpower.com/en/about-us/our-energy/integrated-resource-plan

New Brunswick Power. (2023). First Nations Energy Efficiency Program Guidelines.

New Brunswick Power. (2023, February 10). NB Power inviting interested New Brunswickers to submit Expression of Interest for Wind, Solar, Tidal Power and Storage Solutions. Retrieved from https://www.nbpower.com/en/about-us/news-media-centre/news/2023/nb-power-inviting-interested-new-brunswickers-to-submit-expression-of-interest-for-wind-solar-tidal-power-and-storage-solutions/

New Brunswick Power. (2024, January 17). Neweg Energy Project: Leading the Way to a Sustainable Energy Future in New Brunswick. Retrieved from https://www.nbpower.com/en/about-us/news-media-centre/news/2024/neweg-energy-project-leading-the-way-to-a-sustainable-energy-future-in-new-brunswick/

New Brunswick Power. (2024). Our Energy. Retrieved from https://www.nbpower.com/en/about-us/our-energy.

New Brunswick Power. (2024, June 26). Request for Expression of Interest- Renewable Integration and Grid Security REOI.

North Bay Hydro. (n.d.). Community Energy Park – How It Works. Retrieved from http://www.communityenergypark.ca

Quest Canada. (2024, May). Fort Folly First Nation Community Energy Assessment.

Quest Canada. (2024, April 15). Summary of Community Energy and Emissions Plan Development Workshop.

Smart Grid Innovation Network (SGIN). (2025). Distributed Energy Resources – Fundamentals.

Unlocking Canada’s stranded renewable energies

The authors dedicate this paper to the late Byron LeClair. His efforts made this work possible.

Introduction

In uncertain times, one thing is clear: Canada’s Indigenous communities will play a pivotal role in the evolving clean energy transition. A recent Canadian Climate Institute piece shows that this process of sustainability-rooted economic reconciliation is well underway; the last few decades have seen a surge in Indigenous clean energy generation projects. But times are changing, and Indigenous entities are now playing important roles in other aspects of the energy transition beyond generation hallmarks like solar, run-of-river hydroelectricity, and wind. That necessary evolution includes the commissioning of new transmission infrastructure. The excerpt below from the above mentioned 2022 Canadian Climate Institute Waves of Change Report confirms the emerging Indigenization of transmission, and that this increase in Indigenous electricity transmission participation is not some abstract, theoretical, or wishfully normative future:

The 2015–2020 period also saw a significant rise in Indigenous participation in electricity transmission projects. A total of 19 such projects are now completed or in construction, including some linked to grid access for major projects (e.g., La Romaine Hydro, Quebec), off-grid community interconnection (e.g., Wataynikaneyap Power, Ontario), and grid strengthening (e.g., Bipole III, Manitoba). 

Notably, Indigenous organizations are participating in these capital-intensive sectors as leaders and majority owners. In this new participatory environment, additional community-rooted, policymaker-focused commentary is necessary. There are legal, social, economic, and (of special relevance here, given the fora) environmental benefits associated with Indigenous inclusion in new transmission lines. It is essential that Canadian policy leaders carefully consider these benefits when determining the best way to allocate scarce time and money towards Indigenous economic reconciliation and climate change mitigation—two defining challenges for Canada in the 21st century.

[Click here to see the English version] Ōma nīhithaw kakīskīkīmowin-masinahikan ikīmasinahikātīk, kawīcihikocik omistikōsiwak, aniki kātoskātākwāw  pithīsīskotīw, ka-kiskīthītākwāw īsi nīhithawak ka-mitho-wītatoskīmīcik, īsi nīhithawak kā-isi-nistōtākwāw ōmītowak atoskīwin.

With these trends in mind, the following Indigenous Perspective is oriented towards maintaining momentum around Indigenous participation in transmission infrastructure – with an eye to pragmatic options that might accelerate existing progress.

We see our work as partially addressing an imbalance in the energy transition literature towards Indigenous engagement in clean electricity generation. This historical (over)emphasis, while laudable and understandable, needs to now expand to include transmission (as well as other relevant topics spanning the electricity value chain, such as electricity distribution). Extensive research highlights that Indigenous leadership and participation is possible across multiple dimensions of the complex energy transition (see here for our most recent work on this topic, and here for past work on novel Indigenous transmission ideas). We emphasize in this piece concrete and realistic conceptual foundations for policymakers keen to advance Indigenous-inclusive electricity projects that broadly benefit Canadians.

Who we are

Led by Frank Busch, the first ‘treaty status’ CEO of a Canadian Tier 1 publicly traded company, this perspective integrates an Indigenous viewpoint rooted in, and corroborated by, the thoughts and experiences of the collaborating authors. We open this section by emphasizing the following: this Indigenous perspective is an informed, but highly person(s)-specific perspective rooted in Indigenous community energy and economic development practices. Moreover, it is not the defining perspective for every community. In fact, it is not even to be taken as the collective perspective of Busch’s home of Nisichawayasihk (Nee-chise-away-a-see) Cree Nation. Instead, it is our hope this work contributes to a budding Indigenous-led dialogue around the non-generation aspects of clean energy transformation.

As a team of both Indigenous and non-Indigenous authors, we seek to provide what our practitioner and academic experiences suggest are select best practices for communities navigating what their participation in Canada’s transmission future will ultimately entail. Our recommendations are conscious of select theory and extant literature while remaining anchored in practice (with a special grounding in both the lived experiences and direct observations of the lead author). 

As just some examples of the background on which we will be drawing, Busch has visited over 300 Indigenous communities over the last two decades, while others members of the authorship team have lived in remote communities (Krupa) or supported Indigenous-led environmental assessments in Western Canada (Hanna – see Nishima-Miller et al.). This work synthesizes these decades of energy transition and community development experience and is, in turn, supplemented by literature-based and/or real-world examples spanning early-stage feasibility testing to long-term operations.

Why transmission matters—and why Indigenous ownership is a rare triple win in energy markets

The implementation of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), which Canada has signed, mandates that all electricity transmission projects planned for Canada’s goal of achieving net zero emissions by 2050 must involve Indigenous consultation, equity participation, and/or construction participation. Even in 2025, many Indigenous communities remain reliant on expensive, often unreliable, and occasionally dangerous diesel-generated electricity that inhibits Nation-led efforts to expand local economies and provide better opportunities for young people. This status quo, which stems at least in part from transmission gaps, culminates in what van de Biezenbos calls Canada’s energy persistent poverty. As van de Biezenbos points out, this not only creates unacceptable energy injustice, but also stifles much-needed economic growth. Energy persistent poverty is unlikely to change without new thinking around transmission projects in particular.

Beyond the sound sociolegal basis for new transmission efforts outlined thus far, the climate-related motivation for increasing analysis on Indigenous-friendly electricity transmission projects is similarly clear. This could be executed under a wide array of scenarios: expansions of existing planned or mid-term intraprovincial lines, ties facilitating greater interprovincial electricity trade, additional lines connecting Canada to the United States, or even (more theoretical) long-distance intraprovincial connections between sparsely populated, but clean electricity-rich, regions and the industrial heartlands or urban areas where extra electricity supply is needed. The clean energy transition is commonly envisioned as an exercise in commissioning much greater levels of wind, solar, and hydroelectricity resources. However, without adequate transmission interconnections, renewable energy generation outputs (many of which are situated in distant places full of excellent wind resources or sunny skies) have nowhere to go. Although underappreciated, transmission is the anchor for realizing lofty climate change ambitions. 

Canadian research shows systemic cost efficiencies and emission abatement potential associated with transmission expansion and interconnection, such as better value extraction from existing clean energy assets and enhancing the value of carbon pricing policies. As elucidated in the important paper The cost of decarbonizing the Canadian electricity system, transmission also offers one of the lowest cost emission reduction options for Canadians.

[Click here to see the English version] ōma pithīsīskotīw atoskīwin ōta ministik kānata kwayask mistahi atoskīwin, mistahi mīna ikota oci kakī-sōniyākipathiw māka, poko nīhithawak kawītatoskīmīcik.

Put simply, unlocking Canada’s renewable electricity potential requires significant investment in transmission, and transmission can only proceed with Indigenous inclusion. 

Of course, achieving optimal outcomes is easier said than done. The reality is that constructing transmission lines is lengthy and arduous work. Power transmission involves enormous capital outlays, the ability to marshal and organize a diverse team of professionals (legal, technical, and others) over multi-year or even decadal time frames, and the capacity to overcome a remarkable array of different obstacles. Of concern, the historical record of enhanced transmission integration (such as in Busch’s home province of Manitoba) suggests that ultimate environmental outcomes are not uniformly beneficial. While such constraints and downsides are well beyond the scope of this short case study, we wanted to ensure they are acknowledged upfront as we move towards concrete starting points for policymakers in particular to consider.

Pragmatic next steps for policymakers to support Indigenous-centric transmission integration

Many Indigenous communities are seeking greater opportunities to develop local, sustainable, and environmentally-sound economies, as well as increase access to employment opportunities for community members via revenue-bearing assets that can improve a nation’s financial standing. The following constitute five specific recommendations, all of which overlap with the much lengthier series of recommendations provided in the recent First Nations Major Project Coalition’s National Indigenous Electrification Strategy. We offer the following recommendations as starting points for Indigenous-linked policymakers to consider as possible ways forward in achieving greater economic and political sovereignty for their energy futures.

Piyak-kakīskīkīmowin: kāpacītāniwaki ōki “5 Cs” masinahikan
Recommendation 1:  Implement the ‘5 Cs’ framework

In the 2012 paper Identifying barriers to Aboriginal renewable energy deployment in Canada, Krupa outlined the fundamentals to a successful Indigenous renewable energy deployment framework. It was noted at that time that it is critical to focus on three ‘Cs’—cash (capital), clarity (specifically regulatory and policy), and capacity (particularly within communities and on-reserve). Increasing access to capital remains the overarching priority for Indigenous communities looking for opportunities in renewable energy, as does improving regulatory and policy clarity for community leadership. There also remains a need to build in-community capacity across a range of domains (human, as already noted, but also technical, financial, and otherwise). 

Over the last decade, we have expanded the ‘3 Cs’ framework to include corruption-less and community champions to form the ‘5 Cs’. The first is self-explanatory, while the second calls for ongoing innovation within communities to ensure the effective seeding and nurturing of community visionaries capable of enacting difficult long-term planning.

Such concepts are rooted in Busch’s on-the-ground experience, as well as Krupa’s multiple years spent working for, and living in, Biigtigong Nishnaabeg (formerly the Ojibways of the Pic River First Nation), one of the earliest pioneers in the Indigenous clean energy space. This journey, chronicled in Blazing a new path forward: A case study on the renewable energy initiatives of the Pic River First Nation, made clear time and again the remarkable benefits of leadership from that community’s champion: the late Byron LeClair. (LeClair’s role, specifically, is affirmed in foundational texts like Henderson’s Aboriginal Power: Clean Energy and the Future of Canada’s First Peoples). Leclair’s tenacity and dedication played an outsized role in an eventual clean energy portfolio that included, among other achievements, one of the nation’s first wholly Indigenous-owned run-of-river hydroelectric sites.

[Click here to see the English version] Aniki nīhithaw-itāwina āsay kā-sōki-atoskāsocik, iyakwani mwāci kāmithokāpawicik ispihk ōma pithīsīskotīw-atoskīwin pikiskwācikātīki, iyakwani nīkān kakī-pīkiskwātīcik. 

High capacity communities with knowledgeable and competent champions at the helm are the most critical catalyzers for Indigenous electricity transmission projects.

Nīso-kakīskīkīmowin: kanistawinikātīk nīhithaw kiskinwāhamākīwina, nīhithaw itāwina anohc kā-isi-pimipathītāniwaki, mīna īsi ōma pithīsīskotīw-atoskīwin kātī-isi-wathasowācikātīk.
Recommendation 2: Acknowledge the alignment between Indigenous values, contemporary Indigenous communities, and electricity transmission planning

We should be skeptical of attempts to present a homogenous ‘Indigenous’ voice across the array of voices that must define all 21st century attempts to engage with Indigenous Peoples. Nevertheless, it is fair to say there are at least two common themes that tend to unite Indigenous communities:

  1. There is a desire to preserve environmental integrity, which may manifest at a variety of different levels (e.g. global, regional or territorial).
  2. Indigenous communities are bonded to the land in numerous ways: physically, emotionally, spiritually. Paired with this stability is the relatively low likelihood of substantial immigration inflows to many Indigenous communities—particularly in the remote areas who may be positively impacted by transmission projects.

Put another way, the characteristics of electricity transmission projects (notably their long time span, minimal impact on land compared to other infrastructure projects, and ability to facilitate more renewable and clean technology integration) align with general Indigenous values: protecting the land and living in close, respectful relation to it. Other transmission line characteristics (such as their job creation potential and physical presence in remote areas) align with modern day Indigenous community characteristics.

As a result, it is worth noting that decarbonization-friendly transmission is likely to be preferred by communities versus fossil fuel alternatives, except in the case where no other attractive alternatives are available. In the case of the proposed Ksi Lisims floating liquefied natural gas (LNG) facility that is spearheaded by the Nisga’a Nation, Waters shows tensions exist between Indigenous groups over LNG development. Clearly, it is difficult to ask communities to forego economic empowerment for the sake of system-wide environmental benefits. Recognizing the presence of this tension and balance—and working hard to offer compelling environmentally beneficial alternatives to more environmentally impactful projects—is a key area for policymakers to focus on.

[Click here to see the English version] Owathasowītinowak poko kamiskawācik aniki nīhithawak kā-nōtī-wītatoskīmīcik, aniki nīhithawak pimiy-atoskīwin kā-nōtī-atoskātākwāw- ōma transmission-atoskīwin kākī-māci-atoskācikātīw.

Policymakers need to work to find attractive alternative options for Nations considering fossil fuel development—starting with transmission.

Nisto-Kakīskīkīmowin: manācītāk nīhithaw kiskīthītamowin, kistīthīta īsi kēhtē-ayak kā-isi-kiskīthītākwāw.
Recommendation 3: Prioritize the perspectives of Indigenous knowledge keepers and Elders

The indispensable role of knowledge keepers and Elders in guiding a major community milestone like transmission participation can be easy to overlook in the excitement of pursuing a new project. This is a process that can be hands-on, with the flexibility to incorporate it into any stage of the project lifecycle, including the very early stages. The tangible financial benefits that such an approach might deliver should not be underestimated. For example, long-time proponents (themselves Indigenous) from Five Nations Energy in northern Ontario focused on involving Elders in scoping the ultimate project route from transmission lines through geomorphologically-complex terrain.

Busch has seen first hand the development of a novel participatory process in the construction of the Wuskwatim Generating Station, a $1.3 billion 200 megawatt hydro dam, and an accompanying $300 million transmission line built in partnership between the Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation and Manitoba Hydro. In the development of the project, recognized Elders were hired on as community consultants and assisted in site selection, ingress/egress, and community engagement alongside engineers and other professionals. While experts were skeptical at first, it soon became apparent that synergies were occurring based on the community consultants’ knowledge of the land and local residents, combined with sound scientific practices and engineering.

In addition to these meaningful technical contributions, there were social license benefits as well. Manitoba Hydro staff knew that they were walking into a hostile environment, as many community members harboured anger and resentment towards the provincial power utility due to the Churchill River Diversion project in the early 1970s. Without the community consultants to make introductions, it is likely many community members would have avoided meaningfully engaging with Manitoba Hydro (or even opted to forego engagement altogether). Through careful community dialogue and supportive public education, the citizens of Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation began to see the project as an economic and educational opportunity. The project was eventually successfully completed in 2006, creating a new pathway for future hydroelectric projects in Manitoba (including the $8.7 billion 695 megawatt Keeyask Project, completed in May 2022).

[Click here to see the English version] Owathasowītino-masinahikīwak, nawac kakī-pimicisāhakwāw nīhithaw kiskīthītamowin ispihk kākithaw ōma pithīsīskotīw-atoskīwin atoskācikātīki -ispihk mīna transmission-atoskīwin atoskācikātīki.

Policymakers should better incorporate knowledge keeper knowledge in every stage of the clean technology value chain—including transmission.

Nīyo-kakīskīkīmowin: kinawāpāta kākithaw atoskīwina kāmitho-kīsītāniwaki ōta ministik-kānata mīna opimī
Recommendation 4: Look at what successful projects have done both in Canada and beyond

Instructive examples of successful projects do exist. The first and most obvious departure point is for communities to strategically capitalize on opportunities via consortium partnership models that involve multiple communities, while also delivering clear value to other stakeholders groups such as ratepayers or environmental advocates. It’s the “we can go further together” principle. And it can happen!

A factsheet from the major investor-owned utility NextEra Energy demonstrates several core principles for this sort of success in a brief case study on Northern Ontario’s East-West Tie along the north shore of Lake Superior. First, at a very basic level, the East-West Tie’s 450-kilometre line—described as “one of the largest investments in the electricity system in Northwestern Ontario in decades”—facilitated the ongoing expansion of capacity (including clean electricity asset investments) to the region. This could include projects such as solar, wind, and run-of-river hydro, as well as potential decarbonization opportunities for the future, such as the novel Chigamiwinigum Falls project located within both Pukaskwa National Park and the Biigtigong Nishnaabeg’s traditional territory. This $777-million project worked to involve myriad Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities along the line, with Indigenous communities given the ability to participate in terms of both equity and jobs from construction and operations. Finally, this competitively procured line offered excellent reliability and flexibility benefits for ratepayers, while also unlocking new industrial sector opportunities.

A second example from the U.S. is also worth highlighting: new tribal financing pioneered through Biden-era flagship clean energy legislation. The Biden Administration’s Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund and Loans Program Office provided capacity building and technical assistance, as well as resources on financing tribal energy projects—ranging from support for the inclusion of commercial lenders to incorporating de-risking tools like loan guarantees across a wide range of projects.

Closer to home, projects such as the Wataynikaneyap (or “Watay”) transmission line not only helped electrify communities along its corridor, but also supported environmental betterment via reduced diesel usage and potential for enhanced renewable energies integration and general economic growth, which may include critical mineral extraction opportunities that can support decarbonization technologies. This is only a handful of ideas; there’s an abundance of lessons learned now available. Future proponents would do well to do their homework.

[Click here to see the English version] Owathasowītino-masinahikīwak poko kakinawāpātākwāw aniki atoskīwina kākī-mitho-kīsītāniwaki, mīna ispihk kāti-māci-wathasowācikātīki nīhithaw-kiskinōtawi-masinahikana, kamamitonīthīcikātīki aniki āsay kākī-mitho-atoskācikātīki -mīna, aniki kīkwāya namwāc kākī-mithopathiki atoskīwina. 

Policymakers need to build off past successes, and when structuring frameworks for Indigenous participation, be mindful of what has worked—and, perhaps even more importantly, what has not worked.

Niyānan kakīskīmowin: kākiskīthīcikātīk, kākithaw nīhithawak pītos isi-atoskīwak.
Recommendation 5: Avoid prescriptive participation—Tailor methods to fit the setting

Raising finance at the scale needed for involvement in transmission can be daunting, though it’s clearly possible. In our home province of British Columbia (B.C.), $36 billion in planned transmission and distribution projects through BC Hydro could entail important opportunities for Indigenous proponents, and would build upon the approximately $3 billion in Indigenous clean energy project ownership announced in December 2024 by the B.C. Government

This means that communities must remain flexible regarding how benefits from a transmission project ultimately take shape. These benefits might include construction jobs, either at the outset or throughout the project’s lifespan, or equity opportunities, allowing communities to hold a significant ownership stake, depending on available human and financial capital. Hydro One’s pledge to enable 50 per cent equity ownership for Indigenous nations in new Ontario transmission lines is one example that could reduce risk for Indigenous partners, industry, and lenders alike. Regardless of the final arrangement, transmission projects can offer a broad range of employment opportunities—from professional roles, such as project managers overseeing multi-year builds, to skilled trades and polytechnical positions like lineworkers maintaining reliable operations.

Participatory agnosticism also extends to the scale of the project pursued. For example, some communities may be keen to realize energy interconnection, others to support energy sovereignty, and yet others to access economic gain. But all must be pragmatic about the financeability of the project. Is there policy and regulatory clarity, ideally supported by policy de-risking tools such as loan guarantees? Could a deep-pocketed co-proponent provide financing, or are there other creative financing options, such as syndication, private capital, or others, available? Are there credible internal and/or external experts available to secure the best terms, optimize the accounting, and spearhead responsible corporate governance? Honest, frank conversations need to be had in deciding how best to facilitate Indigenous involvement.

[Click here to see the English version] Namōtha kākithaw nīhithawak kakī-isi-pamiyāwak. Kisowāk kakī-wītatoskīmīcik nīhithawak. Īta kākaskītāniwak, kamitho-sītoskācik nīhithawak, nawac kamitho-wīcihisocik.

Policymakers need to avoid homogenous solutions to heterogeneous communities, and, where possible, close gaps in capacity to ensure a level playing field.

Final thoughts

We would be remiss not to repeat our earlier point that, like all infrastructure, electricity transmission has its impacts. These impacts can be physical, substantially altering the landscape (the impacts of Manitoba Hydro projects on Indigenous communities is particularly instructive in this regard). They can also be social or emotional, shaping and changing the way a community interacts with their traditional territory. Policymakers should do whatever possible to ensure new projects are built with economic, social, and environmental considerations (not necessarily in that order) in mind.

Yet despite these issues, we remain optimistic and hopeful about the future of Indigenous-inclusive transmission projects in Canada. As emphasized earlier, we have developed this short perspective as a team of Indigenous and non-Indigenous practitioners and scholars. Indigenous communities across Canada could facilitate the development of the transmission infrastructure backbone for a clean energy revolution, and in 2025 and beyond, unpacking the nexus of Indigeneity and transmission expansion is a critical decarbonization research priority. Including Indigenous voices and perspectives will be central to both the global and Canadian energy transitions.

This is not a simple question of altruism; it is a legal reality. Nor is it a question of seeking out enthusiasm. Indigenous people have seen the success of certain hydroelectric and transmission groups in action, such as the late Chief Billy Diamond’s work in Quebec (as outlined by MacGregor’s 1989 book Chief), and are acutely aware that much more needs to happen much faster. We emphasize the somewhat atypical economic-social-environmental “win-win-win” nature of Indigenous clean energy market participation via transmission expansion. It is essential that Indigenous perspectives become part of foundational planning for energy transmission across Canada; without such collaboration and partnerships it will be difficult to create the energy prosperity and opportunities Canada needs.

Acknowledgments

The authors thank Naoko Ellis, Derek Gladwin, Maria Shallard, Jessie Sitnick, Jason Dion, Grace Donnelly, & Avery Valez for their comments and ideas, especially in the early stages of drafting this piece. The authors take full responsibility for any and all errors in this piece. Krupa’s work was supported by Mitacs through the Mitacs Accelerate program. Krupa also acknowledges support from Accelerating Community Energy Transformation, through the Canada First Research Excellence Fund. The funding sources had no role in any aspect of writing this piece. All the views expressed, and all errors, remain the responsibility of the authors. Busch, Krupa, and Hanna further affirm that all views expressed herein represent the perspectives of the authors, and are therefore not to be taken as representative of the views of any organization(s) with which they were/are affiliated in the past, present, and/or future. Finally, Krupa and Busch would like to especially thank Adita Ortega Perez and Angie Busch, who provided a great deal of support in making sure this Indigenous Perspective crossed the finish line.

References

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Canadian Climate Institute. (2022). Waves of change: Indigenous clean energy leadership for Canada’s clean, electric future. Retrieved from https://climateinstitute.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/ICE-report-ENGLISH-FINAL.pdf 

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Government of Canada. (2024, November 26). United Nations Declaration on the rights of Indigenous Peoples Act. https://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca/eng/acts/u-2.2/page-1.html 

Harvey, L. D. D. (2013). The potential of wind energy to largely displace existing Canadian fossil fuel and nuclear electricity generation. Energy, 50, 93-102. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.energy.2012.12.008

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Beyond Sustainability: The Power of Indigenous Healthy Energy Homes

A new approach to housing in Indigenous communities could improve health outcomes for Indigenous Peoples. It could unlock multiple benefits including: reduced healthcare costs, emissions reductions and savings for households. 

Challenges with the housing landscape in Indigenous communities

Current approaches to Indigenous housing are rooted in a colonial legacy. This has resulted in unhealthy housing conditions such as poor ventilation, overcrowding, and homes that are unsuitable for their location or environment. 

For decades, Indigenous Peoples have raised concerns that inadequate and unsafe housing in communities aggravates or causes respiratory, cardiovascular, and mental health illnesses. Climate change impacts such as heat waves worsen both unsafe housing conditions and related health challenges. 

Figure 2: The links between Indigenous community housing and health

This figure shows the links between Indigenous community housing and health. It shows the challenges, implications and consequences of Indigenous homes in the current housing market.

While several factors play a role, governance and accountability challenges are the core issues of these health and housing challenges. They undermine relevant and sufficient investment in Indigenous community housing.

A new approach to Indigenous housing

The housing situation in Indigenous communities has been a long-standing problem. It will continue unless all orders of government not only provide further investments of time and money but, most importantly, take a different and more coordinated, holistic approach to address this issue. The multiple benefits of Healthy Energy Homes make them a worthwhile and smart investment, which could help to drive down healthcare costs while supporting the well-being and health of future generations.

The Healthy Energy Homes project is a partnership between the Canadian Climate Institute’s Indigenous Research stream and Indigenous Clean Energy. It shows how a new approach to housing could address many of these challenges. It could unlock multiple benefits if housing strategies and funding decisions take a holistic view of housing issues and are developed in partnership with Indigenous communities.

The first scoping paper in this project, Beyond Sustainability: The Power of Healthy Energy Homes, sets the foundation for the broader series. It provides important context to both the challenges and innovative solutions linked to housing in Indigenous communities. 

The second report, planned for spring 2025, will focus on the policy changes and recommendations that could support building more Healthy Energy Homes in Indigenous communities.

Indigenous Climate Action

ᐋᖅᑭᒋᐊᕈᑎᖃᕐᓂᖅ ᐅᕙᑦᑎᓐᓂᑦ | Positioning ourselves

This work is being conducted by Indigenous Climate Action (ICA), an Indigenous-led organization that works to support Indigenous communities in reinforcing their place as leaders in driving climate change solutions. Our current programs are designed to empower Indigenous communities to take action on climate change and to nurture the development of community-led solutions that are rooted in Indigenous knowledge and practices.

This identified research need comes from conversations our organization has held with Inuk relatives through informal engagements with ICA’s steering committee and advisory council. This case study provides ICA the opportunity to engage in a healthy critique of our own work, particularly in the area of our Decolonizing Climate Policy Project (DCP), which “aims to investigate the shortcomings and problems associated with Canadian climate policy while at the same time supporting, and developing Indigenous-led climate policy (ICA, 2024)”. 

This case study serves as an opportunity for ICA to look inward on our research methods and ethics process. It is a stepping stone for future work on better engagement processes with Inuit, and will inform DCP 3 and other relevant work.  

ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᔪᖅ ᐊᐅᓚᑕᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᐃᑦ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᔾᔭᒋᐊᕈᑎᖃᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ (ICA), ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᓄᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᖅᑕᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᑎᒥᐅᔪᖅ ᐱᔾᔪᑎᖃᖅᑐᓂ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑐᐃᓂᕐᒥ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᓕᖏᓐᓂᑦ ᐅᔾᔨᕈᓱᓕᖅᑎᒃᑲᓐᓂᖅᑐᒋᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᖅᑎᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᑦ ᐊᔭᐅᕆᓂᕐᒥ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐋᖅᑭᒋᐊᕈᑕᐅᒍᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᑦ. ᒫᓐᓇᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᑦᓴᖁᑎᕗᑦ ᓴᓇᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᓴᙱᓕᖅᑎᑦᓯᒋᐊᕆᓂᕐᒥ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᓕᖏᓐᓂᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᔾᔭᒋᐊᕈᑎᒋᓗᒍ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓ ᑎᒍᓯᒋᐊᖅᑎᑦᓯᓪᓗᑎᓪᓗ ᐱᕙᓪᓕᐊᑎᑦᓯᓂᕐᒥ ᓄᓇᓕᖃᖅᑐᓄᓪᓗ ᓯᕗᓕᖅᑕᐅᔪᓂᑦ ᖃᓄᖅᑑᕈᑎᖃᕐᓗᑎᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᖃᖅᑐᓂᑦ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᐃᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᑐᖃᖏᓐᓂᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᓯᑐᖃᖏᓐᓂᓪᓗ.

ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᑕᐅᒋᐊᖃᕐᓂᖓᓂ ᐱᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐅᖃᖃᑎᒌᒍᑕᐅᖃᑦᑕᖅᓯᒪᔪᓂᑦ ᑎᒥᖁᑎᑦᑎᓐᓄᑦ ᑲᑎᑎᑦᓯᓪᓗᑎᑦ ᐃᓄᓐᓂᑦ ᐃᓚᒌᑦᑐᓂᑦ ᑖᒃᑯᓂᖓ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᐃᑦ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᔾᔭᒋᐊᕈᑎᖃᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᕋᓛᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐅᖃᐅᔾᔨᒋᐊᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᖏᓐᓂ.  ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᑕᐅᓂᖓ ᐱᕕᑦᓴᖃᖅᑎᑦᓯᔪᖅ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᐃᑦ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᔾᔭᒋᐊᕈᑎᖃᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐃᓚᐅᑎᑦᓯᓂᕐᒥ ᕿᒥᕐᕈᔭᐅᓗᓂ ᖃᓄᖅ ᐋᖅᑭᒋᐊᖅᑐᑦᓴᐅᒻᒪᖔᖅ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᕆᓯᒪᔭᕗᑦ, ᐱᓗᐊᖅᑐᒥ ᐃᓗᓕᖃᖅᑐᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᕆᓯᒪᔭᑦᑎᓐᓂ ᑎᒍᓯᒋᐊᕈᑎᖃᕐᓂᖅ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᓯᓂᕐᒥ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐊᑐᐊᒐᓕᐅᕈᑎᖃᕐᓂᕐᒥ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᑦᑎᓐᓂ (DCP), “ᑐᕌᒐᖃᖅᑐᓂ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕆᐊᕈᑎᖃᕐᓂᕐᒥ ᐱᑕᖃᙱᓗᐊᖅᓯᒪᔪᓂᑦ ᐱᓇᐃᓗᑕᕈᖅᓯᒪᔪᓂᓪᓗ ᐊᑦᑐᐊᓂᖃᖅᑐᓂ ᖃᓇᑕᐅᑉ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐊᑐᐊᒐᓕᐅᕈᑎᒋᓯᒪᔭᖏᓪᓕ, ᐊᑕᐅᑦᓯᑯᑦᓴᐃᓐᓇᖅ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑐᐃᓪᓗᓂ, ᐱᕙᓪᓕᐊᑎᑦᓯᓪᓗᓕᔾ; ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᓄᑦ-ᓯᕗᓕᖅᑕᐅᔪᓂᑦ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐊᑐᐊᒐᓕᐅᕈᑎᖃᕐᓂᕐᒥ (ICA, 2024)”. 

ᑖᓐᓇ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐱᕕᑦᓴᖃᕆᐊᖅᑎᑦᓯᕗᖅ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᐃᑦ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᔾᔭᒋᐊᕈᑎᖃᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑎᒥᖁᑎᖓᓐᓂ ᑕᑯᒋᐊᕐᓗᑎᑦ ᐃᒻᒥᓄᑦ ᖃᓄᖅ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᑎᖃᖃᑦᑕᕐᒪᖔᑦᑕ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᒪᓕᑦᑕᐅᒋᐊᓕᓐᓂᑦ ᐊᑐᐊᒐᖃᑦᓯᐊᕋᓗᐊᕐᒪᖔᑦᑕ. ᐊᓪᓗᕆᐊᕐᕕᑦᓴᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᓯᕗᓂᑦᓴᑎᓐᓂ ᐱᓇᓱᐊᖃᑎᖃᑦᓯᐊᓂᖅᓴᐅᓗᑕ ᐃᓄᓐᓂᑦ, ᐃᓗᓪᓕᖅᑐᐃᒍᑕᐅᓂᐊᕆᓪᓗᓂ DCP 3 ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᓯᖏᓐᓂ

ᓄᐃᑎᑦᓯᒋᐊᙵᐅᑎ | Introduction

We know that different environments create different contexts in which the climate crisis unfolds. Consequently, responses to the climate crisis vary across Indigenous communities due to socio-economic, geopolitical, cultural and historical factors.

Indigenous Peoples and communities have been and continue to be structurally excluded from the creation and implementation of Canada’s current climate policy framework. This violates our right to self-determination as well as the right to free, prior and informed consent, which is the inherent “right Indigenous communities have to decide ‘yes’ or ‘no’ to all proposed developments that may affect the collective rights of their communities (What is FPIC, n.d.)”. In Phase 1 of Decolonizing Climate Policy, we highlighted the federal government’s failure to uphold commitments to a Nation-to-Nation and Inuit-Crown relationship, citing examples of violations of Indigenous Peoples’ right to self-determination and free, prior and informed consent in the drafting of the Pan-Canadian Framework on Clean Growth and Climate Change as well as the Healthy Environment and Healthy Economy plan.

Inuit have been and continue to be actively engaged in mitigating the impacts of climate change on their lands despite their structural exclusion from federal climate policy development. The purpose of this study is to uplift the richness and validity of Inuit ways of knowing, and amplify the importance of Inuit perspectives in climate policy. There are clear lessons to be learned from the shortcomings of current engagement practices and approaches to policy. Inuit have articulated their own priorities for policy and engagement, providing valuable information and guidance. ICA, along with other ENGOs, can and should learn from these insights to facilitate better, more grounded research and the policies that this research informs.

This exploratory background work is vital to understand how Indigenous Climate Action can participate in and uphold appropriate engagement and representation of Inuit knowledge and worldview in climate policy. We begin by outlining some of the barriers faced by Inuit to participating in climate policy. We then learn of how Inuit are responding to these barriers. Finally, we explore how we can move forward in the equitable inclusion of Inuit perspectives in climate policy as comrades working towards the shared vision of climate justice. 

The goals of the case study are as follows:

  1. Develop an understanding of Inuit approaches to climate policy throughout Canada according to their own teachings, laws and worldview. 
  2. Seek and support recommendations that ensure Inuit rights, worldviews and laws are equitably represented in ICA’s Decolonizing Climate Policy Project. A sub-objective of this goal is to encourage other environmental organizations and orders of government to undertake similar efforts. 
  3. Strengthen the relationship between Indigenous Climate Action and Inuit living in Inuit Nunangat. 

ᖃᐅᔨᒪᕗᒍᑦ ᐊᔾᔨᒌᙱᓐᓂᖃᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᕙᑏᑦ ᐊᔾᔨᒌᙱᑦᑑᑎᓂᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᒻᒪᑕ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ. ᐱᔾᔪᑎᒋᓪᓗᒍ, ᑭᐅᔾᔪᑎᑦᓴᓕᐊᕆᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔫᖃᑎᒌᓂ ᐊᔾᔨᒌᙱᓐᓂᖃᓪᓛᔪᖅ ᐱᔾᔪᑎᒋᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐃᓅᖃᑎᒌᑦᑐᑦ-ᑮᓇᐅᔭᓕᐅᕈᓐᓇᕐᓂᖏᑦ, ᓄᓇᖏᑕ ᒐᕙᒪᓄᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑕᐅᓂᖏᑦ, ᐃᓕᖅᑯᓯᖃᖃᑎᒌᙱᓐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᔾᔨᒌᙱᑦᑐᓂᑦ ᐊᑑᑎᓯᒪᓂᖏᓐᓂᑦ.

ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᐃᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓄᓇᓕᖏᑦ ᐃᓚᐅᑎᑕᐅᙱᓐᓇᓕᒫᖅᑐᑦ ᐋᖅᑭᓱᖅᓯᒪᔪᑎᒍᓪᓗ ᐃᓚᐃᓐᓈᖅᑕᐅᓪᓗᑎᑦ ᓴᓇᔭᐅᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐊᑐᓕᖅᑎᑕᐅᕙᓪᓕᐊᓂᖏᓐᓂᓪᓗ ᑲᓇᑕᐅᑉ ᓯᓚᒥ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᑐᐊᒐᓕᐊᕆᕙᑦᑕᖏᓐᓄᑦ. ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᓯᖁᒥᑦᓯᓂᐅᔪᖅ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᖃᕐᓂᕐᒥ ᓇᒻᒥᓂᖅᓱᕈᓐᓇᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᖃᓯᐅᓪᓗᒍᓪᓗ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᖃᕐᓂᖅ ᐊᑭᖃᙱᑦᑐᒥᒃ, ᓯᕗᓂᐊᒍᑦ ᑐᑭᓯᒪᑎᑕᐅᑦᓯᐊᕐᓗᑎᑦ ᐊᖏᕈᑕᐅᒋᐊᖃᕐᓂᖓᓂ, ᐱᑖᕆᓯᒪᒐᒥᐅᒃ “ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᖃᕐᓂᖅ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᓄᑦ ᐊᖏᕈᓐᓇᕐᓗᑎᑦ ‘ᐄ’ ᐅᑉᕙᓘᓐᓃᑦ ‘ᐋᒡᒐ’ ᐱᕙᓪᓕᐊᑎᑕᐅᒐᓱᐊᖅᑐᓕᒫᕐᓂᑦ ᐊᑦᑐᐃᓂᖃᕈᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᑦ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᖃᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂ ᓄᓇᓕᖏᑦᑕ (ᓱᓇᐅᓂᖓ FPIC, n.d.)”. ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᓂᖓ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᕐᒥ (1) ᑎᒍᓯᒋᐊᕈᑎᖃᕐᓂᖅ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᓯᓂᕐᒥ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐊᑐᐊᒐᓕᐅᕈᑎᖃᕐᓂᕐᒥ, ᐊᓚᒡᒐᐃᒋᐊᒃᑲᓐᓂᖅᑎᓚᐅᖅᑕᕗᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᑐᕐᓂᐊᕐᓂᕋᖅᓯᒪᔭᒥᓂᑦ ᒪᓕᙱᑦᓯᒪᓂᕆᔭᖓ ᑲᓇᑕᓕᒫᕐᒥ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᓪᓗ ᐱᓇᓱᐊᖃᑎᒌᓐᓂᖏᑕ, ᐆᑦᑑᑎᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᓯᖁᒥᑦᓯᓯᒪᓂᖏᑕ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᐃᑦ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓂᑦ ᓇᒻᒥᓂᖅᓱᕈᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᑭᖃᙱᑦᑐᒥᒃ, ᓯᕗᓂᐊᒍᑦ ᑐᑭᓯᒪᑎᑕᐅᑦᓯᐊᕐᓗᑎᑦ ᐊᖏᕈᑕᐅᒋᐊᖃᕐᓂᖓᓂ ᑎᑎᕋᖅᑕᐅᕙᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓ ᑲᓇᑕᓕᒫᕐᒨᖓᔪᖅ ᐱᓇᓱᐊᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᑐᐊᒐᖅ ᓴᓗᒪᔪᓂᑦ ᐱᕈᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᒍᑎᖃᕐᓗᑎᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐱᖃᓯᐅᓪᓗᒍ ᖃᓄᐃᙱᑦᓯᐊᖅᑐᒥ ᐊᕙᑎᖃᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖅ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᓕᐅᕋᓱᐊᕈᑎᖃᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐸᕐᓇᐅᑎᒥ. 

ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐃᓚᐅᖃᑕᐅᖏᓐᓇᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᑐᓕᖅᑎᑦᓯᑦᑕᐃᓕᓂᕐᒥ ᐊᑦᑐᖅᑕᐅᒍᑕᐅᒍᓐᓇᖅᑐᓄᑦ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᓄᓇᖏᓐᓂ ᓱᓇᒃᑯᑖᒻᒪᕆᓂ ᐱᑕᖃᖅᑎᑕᐅᙱᒃᑲᓗᐊᕋᒥᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᑐᐊᒐᓕᐊᕆᕙᑦᑕᖏᓐᓄᑦ. ᑕᒪᑐᒪ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕆᐊᕐᓂᐅᑉ ᐱᔾᔪᑎᖓ ᒪᑭᑎᑦᓯᒋᐊᒃᑲᓐᓂᕈᒪᓪᓗᑎᑦ ᐱᑕᖃᓪᓚᕆᓐᓂᕆᔭᖓᓂᑦ ᓈᒻᒪᑦᓯᐊᕐᓂᕆᔭᖏᓐᓂᓪᓗ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐱᔾᔪᓯᖏᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑐᓴᖅᑎᑦᓯᒋᐊᒃᑲᓐᓂᕈᒪᓪᓗᑕ ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᓂᖏᓐᓂᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑕᑯᓐᓇᕐᓂᕆᔭᖏᑦ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐊᑐᐊᒐᓕᐅᖃᑦᑕᓂᕐᒥ.  ᑐᑭᓯᓇᑦᓯᐊᖅᑐᓂᑦ ᐃᓕᔾᔪᑎᑦᓴᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᒫᓐᓇᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᑕᖃᙱᓗᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᓚᐅᑎᑦᓯᒋᐊᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᓯᐅᕙᑦᑐᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᑐᐊᒐᓕᐅᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᕐᒧᑦ. ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖃᖃᑦᑕᐃᓐᓇᖅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᓇᒻᒥᓂᖅ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᐅᑎᒍᒪᔭᕐᒥᓂᑦ ᐊᑐᐊᒐᓕᐅᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐃᓚᐅᑎᑦᓯᒋᐊᕐᓂᕐᒧᓪᓗ, ᑐᑭᓯᑎᑦᓯᒋᐊᖅᑐᑎᑦ ᐊᑑᑎᖃᓪᓚᕆᑦᑐᓂᑦ ᐃᒫᖓᐃᕆᐊᕈᑕᐅᒍᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᓪᓗ. ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᐃᑦ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᔾᔭᒋᐊᕈᑎᖏᑦ, ᐱᖃᓯᐅᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐊᓯᖏᑦ ᐊᕙᑎᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑎᒥᐅᔪᑦ, ᐃᓕᑦᑐᓐᓇᖅᑐᑦ ᐃᓕᑦᑕᕆᐊᖃᖅᑐᑎᓪᓗ ᑕᒪᒃᑯᓂᖓ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᓯᑦᓯᐊᕐᓂᕐᓴᐅᒍᓐᓇᖁᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᓂᐅᔪᓂᑦ, ᑐᙵᕕᖃᕐᓂᖅᓴᓂᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᑎᖃᖅᐸᓪᓗᑎᑦ ᐊᑐᐊᒐᓕᐅᕈᑕᐅᓂᐊᖅᑐᓄᑦ ᐱᔾᔪᑎᒋᓪᓗᒍ ᑖᓐᓇ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᑕᐅᔪᖅ.  

ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᕿᒥᕐᕈᔭᐅᕙᓪᓕᐊᔪᖅ ᑐᑭᓯᒋᐊᕈᑕᐅᒍᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᑦ ᐱᓇᓱᐊᕈᑎᖃᕐᓂᖅ ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᔪᖅ ᑐᑭᓯᒪᖁᓪᓗᑕ ᖃᓄᖅ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᐃᑦ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᔾᔭᒋᐊᕈᑎᒋᓯᒪᔭᖏᑦ ᓈᒻᒪᑦᓯᐊᖅᑐᓂᑦ ᐃᓚᐅᑎᑦᓯᓂᕐᒥ ᑭᒡᒐᑐᖅᑕᐅᓗᑎᓪᓗ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᑐᖃᖏᑦ ᓄᓇᕐᔪᐊᒥᓪᓗ ᑕᑯᓐᓇᕈᓯᖏᑦ ᓯᓚᒨᖓᔪᓂᑦ ᐊᑐᐊᒐᓕᐅᕈᑕᐅᕙᑦᑐᓄᑦ? ᐱᒋᐊᕈᑎᖃᖅᑯᒍᑦ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᔭᖅᑐᒋᑦ ᐃᓚᖏᑦ ᐊᐳᖅᑕᕈᑕᐅᕙᑦᑐᑦ ᐃᓄᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᓚᐅᖃᑕᐅᓂᕐᒥ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐊᑐᐊᒐᓕᐅᕐᓂᕐᒥ. ᐃᓕᒍᑎᒋᓂᐊᕆᓪᓗᑎᒍᓪᓗ ᖃᓄᖅ ᐃᓄᑦ ᑭᐅᔾᔪᑎᖃᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᒻᒪᖔᑕ ᑕᒪᒃᑯᓄᖓ ᐊᐳᕈᑕᐅᕙᑦᑐᓄᑦ. ᑭᖑᓪᓕᕐᐹᕐᒥ, ᕿᒥᕐᕈᒋᐊᕐᓂᖃᖅᑯᒍᑦ ᖃᓄᖅ ᓯᕗᒧᐊᒋᐊᕈᓐᓇᕐᒪᖔᑕ ᐃᓚᐅᑎᑕᐅᑦᓯᐊᕐᓗᑎᑦ ᓇᓕᒧᒌᓐᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑕᑯᓐᓇᕐᓂᕆᔭᖏᑦ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐊᑐᐊᒐᓕᐅᕐᓂᒥ ᐱᓇᓱᐊᖃᑕᐅᑦᓯᐊᕐᓗᑎᑦ ᑖᑦᓱᒥᖓᑦᓴᐃᓐᓇᖅ ᑕᐅᑐᒐᖃᓕᕐᓗᑎᑦ ᓯᓚᐅᑦ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐋᖅᑭᒋᐊᕈᑕᐅᔪᓄᑦ.  

ᑐᕌᒐᕆᔭᖏᑦ ᑕᒪᑐᒪ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᑕᐅᔫᑉ ᒪᑯᐊᖑᔪᑦ:

  1. ᑐᑭᓯᕙᓪᓕᐊᒍᑎᒋᓗᒋᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐊᑐᕆᐊᖅᐸᑦᑕᖏᓐᓂᑦ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐊᑐᐊᒐᓕᐅᕐᓂᕐᒥ ᑲᓇᑕᓕᒫᕐᒥ ᒪᓕᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐃᓕᓴᖅᑕᐅᒍᑎᒋᓯᒪᔭᖏᑦ, ᐱᖁᔭᓕᕆᔾᔪᓯᖏᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓄᓇᕐᔪᐊᕐᒥ ᑕᑯᓐᓇᕐᓂᕆᔭᖏᑦ. 
  2. ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᒍᒪᓪᓗᑕ ᐱᖁᔨᕗᖔᓕᐅᖅᑎᓪᓗᑕ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᑦ, ᓄᓇᕐᔪᐊᕐᒥ ᑕᑯᓐᓇᕐᓂᕆᔭᖏᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐱᖁᔭᖏᑦ ᑭᒡᒐᑐᖅᑕᐅᑦᓯᐊᐊᓗᐊᕐᒪᖔᑕ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᐃᑦ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᔾᔭᒋᐊᕈᑎᒋᓯᒪᔭᖏᑎᒍᓯᒋᐊᕈᑎᖃᕐᓂᖅ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᓯᓂᕐᒥ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐊᑐᐊᒐᓕᐅᕈᑎᖃᕐᓂᕐᒥ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᕆᔭᖓᓂ. ᐱᔭᐅᖃᓯᐅᑎᒍᒪᒻᒥᔪᖅ ᑕᒪᑐᒪᓂ ᑐᕌᒐᕆᔭᐅᔪᒥ ᑲᔪᖏᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓗᑎᑦ ᐊᓯᖏᑦ ᐊᕙᑎᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑎᒥᐅᔪᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᐅᔪᓪᓗ ᑕᐃᒫᑦᓴᐃᓐᓇᒐᓚᒃ ᐱᓇᓱᐊᕈᑎᖃᕐᓗᑎᑦ. 
  3. ᓴᙱᓕᕆᐊᖅᑕᐅᓗᑎᑦ ᐱᓇᓱᐊᖃᑎᒌᓐᓂᕆᔭᖏᖅ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᐃᑦ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᔾᔭᒋᐊᕈᑎᖏᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑐᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᖓᓐᓂ. 

Methodology

Recognizing the unique geopolitical landscapes, specific histories and diverse cultures that shape Inuit globally, as articulated by Kuakkanen (2007), this study is deliberately focused within Canada. It’s important to note that the Canadian context differs from that of Scandinavia or Greenland, and these distinctions play a crucial role in shaping the understanding of self-determination across various regions. 

As the only Indigenous-led climate action organization in Canada, ICA bears the responsibility of facilitating meaningful engagement with our kin in the development of our organization offerings so we do not risk mimicking functions of a pan-Indigenous approach to the development of knowledge. Moving away from a Eurocentric discourse and towards one that is rooted in reclaiming, re-storying and researching from our own distinct ways of knowing allows us to nurture and further instill Indigenous worldviews. 

Therefore, we have conducted this research using an Indigenous resurgence paradigm. As Cherokee scholar Jeff Corntassel (2021) suggests, an Indigenous resurgence paradigm reframes colonization by shifting focus away from the State, and instead towards the relationships between Indigenous nationhood, placed-based, and community-centred practices that work to revitalize acts of renewal and regeneration. There is no one approach to resurgence, it is constantly being reimagined and reinvisioned dependent on contextually grounded Indigenous landscapes and seascapes. However, Cherokee scholar Jeff Corntassel points to four interrelated elements that stand out from past resurgent mobilizations and emerging literature (Corntassel 2021, p. 74): 

  1. Centering Indigenous nationhood and land/water-based governance; 
  2. Honoring and practicing relational responsibilities, which form the basis for Indigenous self-determining authority; 
  3. Turning away from the state and decentering the politics of recognition, heteropatriarchy, and settler colonialism; 
  4. Engaging in everyday acts of renewal, remembering, and regeneration.

Our selection of methodology is rooted in the understanding that the need for strategies that are contextually grounded in Inuit ways of knowing cannot be understated. Where are the various sites where we might develop relationships with people or places in the search for knowledge? What do contextually grounded methods of knowledge production look like? These are some of the questions we ask ourselves in the application of an Indigenous resurgence paradigm. 

During this case study, we embarked on a critical analysis of existing literature that is focused on Inuit approaches to climate change. We engaged with a range of sources to develop this understanding, including:

  • federal policies, 
  • Inuit representational organizations, 
  • community practices, and cultural teachings.

In alignment with an Indigenous resurgence paradigm, we largely sought literature focused on relationships between nationhood, placed-based relationships and community centred practices. Geographic application of the literature was Canadian-focused; however, we recognize that organizations like Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami (ITK), an international non-governmental organization representing Inuit of Alaska, Canada, Greenland, and Russia are in service of Inuit on an international scale. 

Additionally, we interviewed Inuk participants who were familiar with ICA’s offerings in order to broaden our Decolonizing Climate Policy work towards ensuring that the rights, perspectives and approaches of Inuit are included and centred. Throughout this analysis, we looked for themes of how the climate crisis is described, the shortcomings of current policies, what values and relations should be emphasized moving forward, and proposed solutions.


Why current policy frameworks pose significant barriers to Inuit participation

The already dire climate crisis is compounded for Inuit living throughout Inuit Nunangat, which is comprised of four regions: Inuvialuit (Northwest Territories and Yukon), Nunavik (Northern Quebec), Nunatsiavut (Labrador) and Nunavut, due to its remote location, unique environmental conditions, and the enduring legacy of colonialism. As such, Inuit are facing exacerbated effects of climate change such as thawing permafrost, melting sea ice, and extreme weather. 

Canada’s federal climate policy framework continues to pose significant barriers to meaningful engagement of Inuit participation. To begin, the existing federal climate policy framework does not differentiate between northern and southern regions thus failing to create strategies to properly address climate change based on different geographic regions. This is echoed by Inuk woman, Bryanna Brown, who shares:

“The lack of understanding of how we are living life up in the North is really different from the South. So sometimes, a lot of things are not considered, even, for example, the issues that we have with infrastructure and permafrost, and how that causes difficulty with issues like plumbing and waste management. Or capacity issues in various departments and issues with food insecurity and how that impacts people and their ability to continue working (B. Brown, personal communication, April 4, 2024).”

A deeper understanding of the experiences of colonization and how it has manifested differently from Coast to Coast, as well as the subsequent impacts is necessary to support Inuit self-determination. Another evident barrier to meaningful engagement of Inuit participation in the existing federal framework is the tokenistic nature of engagement with Indigenous Peoples, where communities are often consulted as a formality rather than an equal partner in decision-making processes. For example, during the development of the Pan-Canadian Framework (PCF), there was a glaring absence of mechanisms to ensure that the Assembly of First Nations (AFN), ITK, and Metis National Council (MNC) could meaningfully gather input about the PCF Framework on behalf of the Indigenous peoples they are meant to represent (DCP, 2019). As Russel Diabo (2017) highlights, this oversight enabled Canada to mislead the public about the extent of Indigenous Peoples’ involvement and created a facade of free, prior and informed consent (FPIC). 

Inuit are facing exacerbated effects of climate change such as thawing permafrost, melting sea ice, and extreme weather. 

Another glaring example can be seen in the case of the development of the 2030 Emissions Reduction Plan (ERP), wherein the 2023 ERP Progress Report shared that Indigenous Peoples felt that engagement timelines in the 2030 ERP were inadequate and “highlighted the need for their early, meaningful and consistent involvement in federal climate policy and programming” (ERP Progress Report, p. 58).

A phenomenon known as “siloing” exacerbates these challenges by prioritizing engagement with Indigenous-led political organizations as opposed to grassroots and community-based ones, which further hinders the participation of Indigenous peoples by excluding vital perspectives. To learn more about existing barriers to Indigenous-led climate solutions, check out our recently released DCP Phase 2 Part 1


Indigenous Climate Action banner

A collective pathway for engagement in the pursuit of climate justice

Inuit have persistently advocated for the safeguarding of their homelands, waters, and livelihoods through various means including Inuit governance, community-based organizing, and grassroots direct action. This section will delve into these advocacy strategies employed across Inuit Nunangat and underscore the importance of ICA’s (and other ENGOs) proper engagement with these strategies. 

Inuit representational governance organizations have provided clear pathways and actionable steps to ensure inclusion of Inuit knowledge. In 2019, Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami introduced the National Inuit Climate Change Strategy (NICCS) which sought to identify climate priorities across Inuit Nunangat. It provided a starting point for provincial and federal governments, international bodies, and non-governmental organizations to coordinate climate strategies within Inuit Nunangat. The goal was to shape climate policies at local, regional, national, and international levels, promoting Inuit-driven research, policy-making and actions through ethical partnerships that address the unique, pressing and diverse needs (ITK, 2019). 

The strategy highlights actions that focus on increasing accessibility of information through knowledge transfers for and with Inuit, and Inuit-led research. The five main priority areas identified for action are:

  1. “Advance Inuit capacity and knowledge use in climate decision-making.
  2. Improve linked Inuit and environmental health and wellness outcomes through integrated Inuit health, education and climate policies and initiatives.
  3. Reduce the vulnerability of Inuit and market food systems.
  4. Close the infrastructure gap with climate resilient new builds, retrofits to existing veils, and Inuit adaptations to changing natural infrastructure.
  5. Support regional and community-driven energy solutions leading to Inuit energy independence (ITK 2019, p. 19)”.

While not specifically focused on climate, in 2023, the Inuit Circumpolar Council, the national organization representing the rights and interests of Inuit living in so-called Canada, released The Circumpolar Inuit Protocols for Equitable and Ethical Engagement. This report outlines best practices for researchers, decision-makers and others who are interested in uplifting the interrelated, interdependent, and indivisible rights of Inuit. There are eight protocols:

  1. “Nothing About Us Without Us’ – Always Engage with Inuit
  2. Recognize Indigenous Knowledge in its Own Right
  3. Practice Good Governance
  4. Communicate with Intent
  5. Exercise Accountability – Building Trust
  6. Build Meaningful Partnerships
  7. Information, Data Sharing, Ownership and Permissions
  8. Equitably Fund Inuit Representation and Knowledge (ICC 2023, p. 14)”.

These protocols provide a collective pathway for engagement with Inuit in the pursuit of climate justice, calling for the federal government to approach engagement with the recognition that Inuit have a right to self-determination that must be respected within the context of any climate program, policy or service that is delivered in their territory (ITK, 2019). Furthermore, it highlights that the voices and perspectives of Inuit Elders, women, youth, children, and persons with disabilities must be centred in climate initiatives (ITK, 2019).

During our discussion together, Bryanna Brown highlighted the benefits of a unified front among Inuit representational organizations. Inuit representational organizations have cooperative mechanisms in place that Brown believes offer a promising avenue for effective climate policy integration, because they facilitate seemingly quicker decision-making processes (Personal Communication. April 4, 2024). 

However, quicker decision-making processes are not beneficial if they are not inclusive of all community voices, which is often the case in Crown-Inuit relationships where representation often just consists of affiliates from political organizations. One of the Inuit youth interviewed felt that inclusive engagement should extend beyond political organizations: 

 “The people that should be included are the ones that live in the community and experience the changes first hand. It’s not about who is there but who is not there at decision-making spaces” (M. Dicker, Personal Communication. April 5, 2024).

For instance, youth, who disproportionately bear the brunt of climate change, are often excluded from decision-making processes. Youth bring gifts, knowledge and insight that is vital to addressing the climate crisis. It is imperative that we empower them to be active participants. To do so, we must go beyond inviting them to the decision-making tables, and ensure that their perspectives are valued and implemented in subsequent actions. 

Grassroots and community organizers have vital perspectives because of their place-based nature. Establishing a connection to place is integral to truly understanding the impacts of the climate crisis: “If people aren’t experiencing something first hand, or don’t have a connection to a place…they’re not experiencing the same things. It could be easier to brush it off or just think like it’s happening (M. Dicker, Personal Communication. April 5, 2024).” 

Examining engagement strategies produced by Inuit representational organizations highlights the importance of ICA and other ENGOs employing inclusive approaches to engagement and decision-making. Complementing this policy review with interviews shows how it can be hard to ensure the right voices are being included in the engagement process, despite specific calls to prioritize perspectives of Inuit elders, women, children and youth in the ITK engagement strategy. By embracing the protocols while recognizing the barriers to their successful implementation, organizations like ICA can be more mindful about their engagement pathways to ensure they contribute to more effective and inclusive efforts towards Inuit-led climate justice. 


The path forward

The biggest threats to actualizing Indigenous-led climate solutions and land rights are ongoing systems of colonization, inadequate funding and supports, and a lack of dissemination of critical information directly to communities. Essentially, there is a failure to uphold free, prior, and informed consent by keeping communities disconnected and upholding processes of research done on our communities rather than by or for our communities. There is a clear information gap, lack of funding and access to decision-making spaces that leaves our communities in a deficit, which adds an overwhelming layer of complexity to advancing our solutions. 

The biggest threats to actualizing Indigenous-led climate solutions and land rights are ongoing systems of colonization, inadequate funding and supports, and a lack of dissemination of critical information directly to communities.

As outlined above, Inuit have taken the time to lay out the groundwork for us in how to effectively engage with Inuit on climate policy. We must respect and honour this work by engaging with it and applying it to our approach. 

The path forward for ICA in the inclusive representation of Inuit knowledge and worldview in our work requires that we do so through a contextually grounded approach. This requires recognition and respect of the unique socio-economic, geopolitical, cultural and historical factors they are faced with. It involves fostering inclusive engagement of Inuit at all levels, from all lived experiences. ICA has and plans to commit to this work through the following actions and initiatives: 

Actualize Inuit rights through increased knowledge development and sharing 

ICA is currently undergoing a revamp on their research methods and ethics process. This case study is a stepping stone for future work on better engagement processes with Inuit, and will inform DCP 3 and other relevant work.

Centre Inuit knowledge systems by continuing to centre best practices, include marginalized voices and counter misinformation

Research risks serving as a tool for advancing various forms of economic and cultural imperialism by shaping and endorsing unjust power relations (Smith, 2019). Indigenous knowledge is often seen as secondary to the perceived validity of Western knowledge, leading to its misappropriation and exploitation. This sentiment is often reflected in the engagement methods that facilitate researcher’s data collection. 

Indigenous knowledge is often seen as secondary to the perceived validity of Western knowledge, leading to its misappropriation and exploitation.

The legitimacy granted to policies by research underscores the importance of inclusive engagement in the research process. Adopting a contextually grounded approach to data collection includes adopting a contextually grounded approach to engagement, which means going beyond Western ideas of whose voices should be included. For policies to be tailored to local communities they must provide a comprehensive understanding of existing unique challenges and opportunities, which can only come from lived experience.

The process of centering Inuit knowledge systems also requires that we prioritize relations with the land. The structure of ICA’s Advisory Committee was intentionally made up of representatives from each of the five biomes. Biomes are characterized by their distinct climate conditions and unique combinations of biotic and abiotic features (DCP Phase 2: Part 1, 2023). Our inspiration was derived from our desire to incorporate Indigenous knowledges from different lands and their human and non-human communities. Throughout the colonial project, Indigenous Peoples were put into groupings that stripped us of our relationality to each other, to our non-human kin and to the land. Decision-making processes that draw from local community observations and efforts provide a more holistic understanding of the climate crisis. 

The process of centering Inuit knowledge systems also requires that we prioritize relations with the land.

Support Inuit in developing relevant and effective climate strategies beyond response-based and towards community-driven solutions

Evidently, there is a need for deeper analysis into the potential benefits of contextually grounded approaches to curbing the climate crisis. But the reality is that the funding mechanisms to support this work at the scale that is required are inadequate. Other ways this can be realized are by providing adequate resources and time for Inuit to meaningfully contribute, as well as supporting community-led solutions and local observations of the land.


Conclusion

Through an Indigenous resurgence paradigm, this case study sought to understand how ICA and other ENGOs can participate in and uphold appropriate engagement and representation of Inuit knowledge and worldview in climate policy. 

What we found is that this demands a comprehensive understanding of the unique factors shaping Inuit community, paired with a contextually grounded approach to policy development. By centering Inuit voices, ICA and other ENGOs, can contribute to more effective and inclusive efforts towards Inuit-led climate justice. 

The path forward involves a concerted effort to dismantle structural barriers and fostering inclusive engagement of Inuit at all levels, from all lived experiences. This study serves as a call to action for Indigenous Climate Action and other ENGOs alike, to strengthen their relationships with Inuit, uplift Inuit knowledge systems, and advocate for policies that are grounded in self-determination and notions of free, prior and informed consent.


References (click to expand)

Aporta, Claudio & Bishop, Breanna & Choi, Olivia & Wang, Weishan. (2020). Knowledge and Data: An Exploration of the Use of Inuit Knowledge in Decision Support Systems in Marine Management.

Canada. (2023). Emissions Reduction by 2030: 2023 Progress Report [Overview]. Retrieved from https://www.canada.ca/en/services/environment/weather/climatechange/climate-plan/climate-plan-overview/emissions-reduction-2030/2023-progress-report/part-1.html

Canada. (n.d.). Indigenous partnership on climate change. Retrieved from https://www.canada.ca/en/environment-climate-change/services/climate-change/indigenous-partnership.html

Corntassel, J. (2021). Life Beyond the State: Regenerating Indigenous International Relations and Everyday. Challenges to Settler Colonialism. Vol. 2021 No. 1 (2021): The Politics of Indigeneity, Anarchist Praxis, and Decolonization.

Indigenous Climate Action. (2023). Decolonizing Climate Policy in Canada, Phase 1. Retrieved from https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5e8e4b5ae8628564ab4bc44c/t/6061cb5926611066ba64a953/1617021791071/pcf_critique_FINAL.pdf

Indigenous Climate Action. (2023). Decolonizing Climate Policy: Phase 2, Part 1. Retrieved from https://www.indigenousclimateaction.com/programs/decolonizing-climate-policy 

Indigenous Climate Action. (2024). Decolonizing Climate Policy. Retrieved from https://www.indigenousclimateaction.com/programs/decolonizing-climate-policy

Indigenous Climate Action. (2024). Decolonizing Climate Policy: Phase 2 Part 2. Forthcoming.

Inuit Circumpolar Council. (n.d.). About ICC. Retrieved from https://www.inuitcircumpolar.com/about-icc/

Inuit Circumpolar Council. (2022). Circumpolar Inuit Protocols for Equitable and Ethical Engagement. Retrieved from https://www.inuitcircumpolar.com/project/circumpolar-inuit-protocols-for-equitable-and-ethical-engagement/

Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami. (2019). National Inuit Climate Strategy. Retrieved from https://www.itk.ca/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/ITK_Climate-Change-Strategy_English_lowres.pdf

Kuokkanen, R. (2007). Indigenous self-government in the Arctic: Assessing the scope and legitimacy in Nunavut, Greenland, and Sápmi.

Smith, L. T. (2019). Decolonizing Methodologies. Bloomsbury.
“What is FPIC?” n.d. Retrieved from https://whatis.fpic.info/#:~:text=Free%2C%20Prior%20%26%20Informed%20Consent%20is,collective%20rights%20of%20their%20communities

Indigenous Seed Keeping and Seed Climate Adaptation

INDIGENOUS SEED KEEPING: A CULTURAL FOOD AND CLIMATE ADAPTATION PRACTICE

While agriculture is not part of all Indigenous communities’ food systems and practices, many communities’ ancestral food systems include seed keeping and crop cultivation practices. For some Indigenous communities, seed keeping and agriculture was not historically part of their food systems, but has since become so, in some cases due to Indigenous mobility and displacement across regions, climate change altering territories’ growing parameters, and cross-community knowledge sharing. Although the practice of saving and adapting seeds is not exclusive to Indigenous Peoples, they conduct these practices in ways that are culturally distinct, informed by intergenerational belonging to place, and involve Indigenous science, economics, spirituality, gender, environmental stewardship, and community laws and governance. 

For generations, Indigenous seed keepers have been seed keeping to develop, maintain, or restore ancestral and culturally significant seed varieties and to adapt existing and newer varieties to respond to regional growing conditions. Indigenous seed practices are guided by ethics of responsibilities and form a culturally specific role often referred to as Indigenous seed keeping or being an Indigenous seed keeper. Indigenous seed keepers steward food crops that have significance to communities’ diets and that support spiritual or cultural practices. These relationships with select seed varieties carry cultural significance, with many communities having stories, songs, dances, games, ceremonies, specific language, food processing technologies, and/or recipes connected to particular crops and varieties. Historically and currently, some communities specialize in particular crops and varieties, trading these with other communities in reciprocal economic alliances for other foods. Seeds have travelled and continue to move across territories through trade routes and exchange networks, resulting in the seed and food biodiversity we see today. Indigenous seed keepers have always adapted and selected seed varieties for new climates and growing conditions, and varieties that thrive in a given territory over time become significant to a family’s or community’s diet and food culture. Through adaptation-oriented decision-making, seed varieties become more equipped to growing conditions influenced by climate change, resulting in more resilient seeds and more successful harvests. 

Indigenous seed keeping and agricultural food sovereignty are compromised by both climate change and colonialism. Indigenous seed keepers are having to preserve at-risk cultural seed varieties for cultural survival while also adapting these varieties to be responsive to changing climate factors for current and future food provision .Climate change factors are altering growing conditions and seasons and are destabilizing cultural knowledge about planting cycles, and in consequence, Indigenous seed keepers are struggling with crop yields and seed losses. Indigenous people growing for food production are similarly impacted, with culturally significant seed variety food crops struggling under increasingly unpredictable environmental variables, impacting communities’ health, food access, food security, and food cultures. 

Indigenous seed keeping and agricultural food sovereignty are compromised by both climate change and colonialism.

Compounding these climate pressures are the historical and ongoing impacts of colonization Indigenous food cultures and practices. Land dispossession and displacement, federal regulation of identity, the assimilatory imposition of European and industrial agriculture, forced starvation, and the restriction of Indigenous access to capital and equity are all detrimental influences on the health of Indigenous food sovereignty (Carter 2019; Robin et al. 2020). Colonization also continues to obstruct Indigenous seed keepers’ self-determined access to healthy land, preventing seed keepers from conducting agricultural food practices and cultural seed adaptation. Additional facets of colonialism dissect Indigenous Peoples from their relationships with their cultural foods and food knowledge systems, such as the legislation and criminalization of food practices, seed biopiracy and knowledge appropriation, and child apprehension and family rupture through residential schools, the Sixties Scoop, incarceration, and the current child welfare system, among others (Robin et al. 2021; Simpson 2004). Indigenous seed varieties were historically appropriated by museums, private collectors, and companies, and many of these seeds are still in institutional archives and non-Indigenous corporate inventories. Seeds are often retained or sold without the consent of the communities who developed them. While Indigenous seed keepers continue to steward these varieties, low stocks and obstacles to growing have impacted varieties’ genetic health and stability. Cumulatively, these factors have led to the loss of seed varieties and interruptions to knowledge transmission within and across generations.

As stewards of food cultures and climate adaptation, Indigenous seed keepers and growers are a frontline of self-determination through their resistance to and insistence on self-determination from colonialism and biodiversity loss. While there is an information gap on crop biodiversity in Canada, in the past century, there has been a 75 per cent global loss in food crop biodiversity, and today, only 9 to 12 crops comprise 75 per cent of today’s global crop-based food intake (FAO 2004; FAO 1997; Khoury et al. 2021). This trend is concerning as seed biodiversity is significant both culturally and from a dietary perspective to Indigenous people and global populations, and it is also critical to growers to provide greater food security and food system resilience. Genetic and trait diversity across seed varieties also allows for greater regional and genetic solutions for seed keepers to choose from to adapt climate vulnerable food crops.


METHODOLOGY

Sovereign Seeds, a national Indigenous by-and-for seed and agricultural food sovereignty organization, has been working to advance Indigenous-led seed efforts by revitalizing seed keeping knowledges and supporting the adaptation of cultural crops to respond to climate change. Insights generated from Sovereign Seeds’ activities were gathered over three years and were anonymized and analyzed for recurring themes and trends.

These insights were documented with contributors’ consent through a variety of virtual and in-person climate adaptation-oriented activities including collaborative community programming, collective visioning sessions, and partnership communications. This analysis included 16 insight events, as well as email and call correspondence, with 52 contributors in total. Insight event contributors comprised Indigenous individuals, families, grassroots initiatives, organizations, and businesses, with the majority of individuals and groups operating in not-for-profit capacities. A majority of insight contributions occurred between 2022 and 2023; however, some insights gathered in 2021 were provided retrospective consent for inclusion in the analysis. Contributors’ ancestral territory affiliations varied significantly, particularly in cases of urban-situated groups and in multi-group and multi-community events and conversations. Localities spanned British Columbia, Alberta, Manitoba, Ontario, and Quebec. Insights were gathered and analyzed using Indigenous research methodologies and frameworks. This case study is one of several organizational actions of relational accountability as an applied Indigenous research methodology in response to community-expressed demands for multi-sector support for Indigenous agricultural food sovereignty and seed adaptation climate action. These learnings offer insights into the intersections of Indigenous food sovereignty and Indigenous climate adaptation that are intimately known and lived by Indigenous people but are often overlooked by non-Indigenous actors and by those operating with influence over levers of power. 

With limited public literature on these topics, it is important to acknowledge language use and the case study limitations (see Glossary and Notes on Case Study Language). Not all Indigenous perspectives and experiences are represented here. Indigenous for-profit activities are underrepresented relative to not-for-profit activities, and important realities of gender, sexuality, and multiracial identity are not addressed.

Seeds of wild-harvested or foraged foods native to communities’ ecosystems are also culturally significant food species, but this case study is limited to cultivated food varieties within garden and farming contexts. Further, land dispossession and displacement is the dominant barrier to Indigenous seed adaptation and climate action, but adequately addressing this barrier was beyond the limitations of this case study. Similarly, concerns and recommendations towards international governance mechanisms were voiced in insight events but are also not presented in this case study for brevity. Insight events highlighted some Indigenous priorities and generated calls to action in agricultural food and seed sovereignty that are not included here due to being specific to inter- and/or intra-Indigenous conversations. Lastly, this case study does not present a comprehensive treatise of the historical and ongoing impacts of colonization and the dominant globalized industrial agricultural food system on Indigenous Peoples’ food sovereignty and climate adaptation efforts.


KEY LEARNINGS AND THEMATIC FINDINGS

Findings gathered through Sovereign Seeds’ insight events highlighted barriers and needs in cultural food crop climate adaptation specific to communities’ and regions’ historical, environmental, geographical, and political contexts. Assessed together, common themes related to Indigenous seed and agricultural food sovereignty and adaptation emerged, including knowledge revitalization and transmission, resourcing seed sovereignty and seed climate adaptation efforts, and governance and leadership.

Knowledge revitalization and transmission and seed variety adaptation efforts

Indigenous-led knowledge revitalization is urgently needed to start, strengthen, and continue seed climate adaptation response action. Due to colonial interruptions to seed knowledge transmission, there are not many people within families and community networks with the cultural knowledge and memory of seed keeping who carry multi-decade experience, or what many refer to as seed Knowledge Holders or seed Elders. This relatively small number of experienced seed Knowledge Holders are the primary practitioners of seed climate adaptation and are encouraging newer seed keepers to take climate action. New and emerging seed keepers, who comprise a majority, are keen to revitalize these cultural climate adaptation practices, but identify that seed adaptation is a knowledge and skill set ahead of their current knowledge set. 

All seed learners and leaders identified that a strong foundation in culturally rooted knowledge in gardening and seed keeping is a prerequisite to being able to adapt food crop varieties to changing climate conditions. Both emerging and experienced seed keepers expressed a need for improved access to Indigenous-only culturally relevant seed learning opportunities for newer seed keepers to gain the foundational knowledge and applied experience needed to undertake seed adaptation. New and emerging seed keepers named time, capacity, and lack of financial support for learning as barriers. Experienced seed keepers expressed personal capacity concerns, citing financial stressors and lack of resources to fund their and their helpers’ time as barriers to teaching. Many seed Knowledge Holders, also noted negative experiences with non-Indigenous institutional, governmental, non-profit, and small-scale sustainable agriculture actors that resulted in having their knowledge and ideas appropriated, their labour under-compensated, and/or their invited involvement tokenized. 

Seed keepers articulated that colonialism has and is impacting Indigenous seeds and knowledge transmission, and that climate change, which is already threatening seed and food cultural crops, is also impacting knowledge transmission, a key activity needed to take climate adaptation action. Between the reality that many experienced Indigenous seed keepers are aging, and the multiple structural and climate-associated challenges that both younger and older experienced Indigenous seed keepers face in learning and teaching, knowledge transmission is a significant and pressing requirement for Indigenous seed climate adaptation.

Seed keepers articulated that colonialism has and is impacting Indigenous seeds and knowledge transmission, and that climate change, which is already threatening seed and food cultural crops, is also impacting knowledge transmission, a key activity needed to take climate adaptation action.

Seed adaptation is multi-year climate action. In this long-term commitment, Indigenous seed keepers face financial precarity arising from the challenges of securing and maintaining infrastructure, labour, equipment, and sustained and self-determined access to land. This precarity undermines the long-term strategic planning and action required to adapt seed varieties for climate. Seed Elders and Knowledge Holders identified the responsibility they carry in both ensuring the survival of culturally significant at-risk seed varieties in their community networks while also teaching others cultural seed keeping and climate adaptation practices. Under these pressures, compounded by a lack of resources, there is little opportunity for experienced seed keepers to scale back their efforts, tend to their wellness, or innovate, let alone navigate a challenging growing season and low seed yield. These combined pressures means newer seed keepers have few learning opportunities and little room for error learning with at-risk cultural seeds while older seed keepers don’t have the time, capacity, or resources for succession of seed inventory and transition of responsibility to others. 

Recognizing and resourcing knowledge transmission and adaptation efforts

Insight event contributors—both for-profit and non-profit— overwhelmingly named granting and lending relevance and access across government and philanthropic resources pathways as significant obstacles to seed keeping and variety adaptation. 

Contributors expressed frustrations with granting and lending actors not recognizing the complexity of Indigenous cultural agricultural food revitalization and food adaptation, which are not simply practices of food production and distribution or climate monitoring. Contributors noted that across all sectors, funders and lenders did not understand or value the relevance of seeds and seed keeping to culture, education, food security, health, and climate action. For those engaged in non-profit activities, this issue was particularly challenging as they felt funders thought seed-focused projects were irrelevant to granting priorities. Those engaged in for-profit activities experienced a lack of recognition and understanding of the specific barriers and needs they have to start, maintain, or grow for-profit activities due to historical and ongoing Indigenous-context specific barriers they face.  Contributors voiced concern that funds often go to initiatives and entities whose activities fit the restrictive criteria and siloed solutions of non-Indigenous funders and lenders. 

Those engaged in non-profit seed and agricultural food revitalization and climate adaptation activities emphasized funding approach and delivery as barriers. Non-profit contributors noted that funders prefer new projects and ideas over existing activities and that they predominantly provide short-term and non-renewable funding commitments, an approach that is not appropriate for Indigenous seed keeping projects, which often require multi-year support commitments. Contributors also reported experiences of funders prioritizing investments in Indigenous entities that are high-profile, well-funded, and well-staffed with substantial governance infrastructure, entities that have non-Indigenous partnerships, and entities that promote reconciliation narratives and do not openly express critical viewpoints. These contributors also named the lack of available unrestricted funding opportunities as a challenge. Contributors articulated a need for more self-determination in expenses, greater application and reporting accessibility, greater timeline flexibility, less prescriptive evaluations, culturally appropriate and accessible language, and reduced application and reporting demands. 

Indigenous people engaged in both non-profit and for-profit activities strongly expressed a need for funders and lenders to shift away from prescriptive and paternalistic funding models.

Some Indigenous cultural food organizations and businesses are not directly involved in but support and engage with Indigenous seed adaptation initiatives through the use or purchase of their produce and seed harvests. These contributors named conflicts with grantors and lenders on product or service sourcing: many contributors value sourcing from Indigenous producers, while granting or lending partners prioritize profit. Environmentally sustainable and/or climate-responsive Indigenous for-profit food initiatives noted a conflict between their priority to support cultural values of social and environmental seed and food production responsibility with the economic priority of grantors and lenders, who devalue or discredit cultural ethics. These businesses felt overlooked for enterprises that are more in line with western capitalist markets, such as industrial agriculture activities and agriculture initiatives without cultural or social reciprocity-oriented objectives.

Indigenous people engaged in both non-profit and for-profit activities strongly expressed a need for funders and lenders to shift away from prescriptive and paternalistic funding models. Contributors across both activity types identified issues with eligibility requirements, and noted that purchase of land, equipment, and infrastructure should be supported expenses. Recipient eligibility was also a concern. The eligibility criteria in many non-profit government and philanthropic sector funding opportunities disqualified a number of contributors from accessing resources, and for contributors’ for-profit endeavors, small-scale activities were often disqualified based on insufficient capital contribution and perceived insufficient income-generating and scaling potential. 

Seed governance, leadership amplification, and understanding and accessing policy-making

While some initiatives are resourced through provincial and federal programs, the Indigenous food sovereignty movement and Indigenous seed variety adaptation efforts are overwhelmingly occurring outside of Canadian government policy and program development. Insight event contributors largely prioritized Indigenous sovereignty and governance and expressed a degree of mistrust of and/or frustration with all orders of Canadian government. The majority of seed keepers noted limitations of government recognition and policy change and that government processes are designed to be inaccessible to grassroots actors. Contributors also felt that while change will not be primarily achieved through policy engagement, national and provincial policies are impacting their seeds, food systems, climate action, cultures, and territories. Many felt strongly that Indigenous people should be meaningfully engaged as sovereign nations and leaders instead of as stakeholders or special interest groups, and that current engagement and translation of government policies, plans, and programs is inadequate. Some barriers identified include exclusionary engagement pathways, inaccessible policies and programs, culturally inappropriate interactions and solutions, and perpetuation of colonization through government regulation of identity, food systems, and territories. There were also challenges of erasure of on-the-ground growers’ voices through preferential engagement with government-recognized Indigenous representative bodies.

Canada’s National Adaptation Strategy (NAS), released in 2023, is the first strategy for climate adaptation objectives, and was accompanied by the re-release of the Government of Canada’s Adaptation Action Plan, which outlines federal financial commitments to climate adaptation amongst provincial, territorial, and Indigenous governments (Government of Canada 2023a; 2024). The degree of meaningful and adequate engagement with Indigenous people in the strategy and action plan was questionable. Environment and Climate Change Canada (ECCC) held a National Adaptation Strategy Visioning Forum in 2021 to develop the NAS; of the over 60 participants engaged in the Forum, only two National Indigenous Organizations (NIO) were involved but were not identified, and no other Indigenous participation was named (Government of Canada 2023b). Absent from the NAS is mention of the importance of food crop seed biodiversity and seed adaptation in climate resilience, seed adaptation as a climate action, Indigenous crop adaptation leadership, cultural agricultural food production and factors impacting these activities, and the relationship between Indigenous Peoples and cultural agriculture overall. Similarly, Canada’s 2020 National Biodiversity Strategy (NBS) presents sustainable agriculture as a solution to reduce the impacts of industrial agriculture on biodiversity, yet it only briefly addresses the role of seeds and only in the context of native non-cultivated plants such as trees, with no mention of food crop seed adaptation (Government of Canada 2024a). Further, while it engaged federally-recognized Indigenous governing bodies, the NBS engaged no Indigenous seed or agricultural food sovereignty groups in its engagement sessions (Government of Canada 2024a). 

Federal programs funding climate change adaptation efforts fail to adequately recognize and resource Indigenous seed variety adaptation. The First Nation Adapt Program, a Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Canada climate response program, was developed to support First Nations communities and organizations south of the 60th parallel to assess climate change impacts and develop and take climate response action (Government of Canada 2023c). While not restricted to these action areas, the program has focused largely on climate-related natural disaster mitigation and response, as directed by the again unidentified First Nations groups that ECCC and Natural Resources Canada engaged in the development of the program. Among the 40 projects funded in the 2022-2023 cycle, none were dedicated to food adaptation (Government of Canada 2023d). Similarly, Indigenous Services Canada’s now closed Climate Change and Health Adaptation Program funded a number of meaningful community agricultural food projects through a Food Security stream, yet seed adaptation and adapting crops for climate change were not identified activities in any of the funded projects (Government of Canada 2023e; Climate Telling 2021). 

The erasure of Indigenous food climate adaptation leadership from government climate conversations also extends to federal responses to agricultural challenges and solutions.

The SAS discussion document names climate adaptation and resilience as one of five priority issue areas, and specifically, recognizes regionally specific applied climate adaptation research programs as a crucial solution. The SAS 2023 What We Heard” report highlights barriers and priorities that seed keepers have also named in our insight events, yet the SAS consultation process did not engage an adequate breadth of Indigenous sustainable agriculture experiences and leadership. The report disproportionately represents Indigenous for-profit food producers’ perspectives, and SAS document language overall emphasizes market production activities and examines adaptation for the purpose of increasing commercial yields and commercial product quality. This market based perspective neglects the many cultural value based perspectives Indigenous seed and agricultural actors have on applied Indigenous economics. As a result, Indigenous not-for-profit initiatives and activities, which comprise a majority of Indigenous seed climate adaptation leadership and cultural food knowledge, are largely underrepresented and undervalued in the SAS. 

The erasure of Indigenous food climate adaptation leadership from government climate conversations also extends to federal responses to agricultural challenges and solutions.

The absence of Indigenous cultural crop climate adaptation across national action plans and programming reveals government funding priorities and definitions of climate adaptation activities, and it also reflects what contributors strongly voiced in Sovereign Seeds’ insight events, including issues of engagement and consultation, funding priorities, and funding access in areas of climate, culture, and agriculture. Many contributors felt government responses favoured for-profit market participation and sector-based food production as solutions to Indigenous food insecurity and climate adaptation. Contributors described this as culturally inappropriate and assimilationist and an approach that is deepening economic pressures, pitting culture against survival, and creating divisions amongst Indigenous people in the food sovereignty movement. While contributors largely agreed that support is needed for Indigenous for-profit cultural agriculture producers and agrifood market participants that operate sustainably and with accountability to cultural values, many expressed that government responses and policy priorities are neglecting the contributions and perspectives of Indigenous food leaders who are protecting crop biodiversity and leading sustainable agricultural climate adaptation outside of for-profit food production. 


RECOMMENDATIONS

Create transparency and accountability of processes and support and increase Indigenous leadership engagement and amplification

The imposition of Canadian state federalism onto Indigenous governance has resulted in preferential engagement with government-favoured Indigenous representative bodies that do not represent seed keepers and cultural growers. Further, bureaucratic accountability has shifted between provincial and federal jurisdictions in ways that do not support Indigenous territorial and traditional governance and nation-to-nation negotiations. Indigenous food sovereignty and seed governance, and the cultural and place-based laws that inform this governance, are sovereign and legitimate, independent of recognition by Canadian and international governments and law. Within western governance frameworks, Indigenous seed keeping and seed climate response exists within and at junctions of climate strategy, intellectual property, biodiversity, cultural rights, and Indigenous rights. Nation-to-nation engagement in Indigenous agriculture and climate adaptation requires increased access to decision making tables, a demystification of mechanisms and decision processes, and more time for preparation and participation. While not a substitute for community-based, community-specific grassroots leadership and Indigenous governance that exists independent of colonial government recognition, Indigenous-led models can generate policies and programs that are better accountable and responsive to community priorities. Our analysis identified recommendations and pathways to improved participation for and amplification of on-the-ground community groups in areas of food sovereignty, agriculture and agri-foods, cultural revitalization, and climate action:

  • Deploy an Indigenous-led collaborative model to support decision making transparency, access, and appropriate process timelines. This model would see Indigenous-dedicated Indigenous liaisons across all relevant departments and advisory bodies tasked with providing transparency and translation of processes, documents, and decisions to cultural agriculture leaders and practitioners. The objective of such a model is not to assimilate Indigenous negotiation and decision-making processes within non-Indigenous rights-based governing bodies via Indigenous employment, but rather to better facilitate and operationalize nation-to-nation governance. 
  • Support on-the-ground Indigenous food and food climate adaptation leadership through multi-year commitments for and the formation of independently organized Indigenous -led and -comprised coalitions. Improved leadership amplification through these measures would help to address the intersecting issues of food sovereignty, agriculture and agri-foods, cultural revitalization, land remediation, and climate action. To ensure accountability and representation, such bodies must be organized by, governed by, and representative of for-profit and not-for-profit regional food producers, growers, and Knowledge Holders independent of (though potentially supported by) band council and government-funded service agency leadership. These collective organizing bodies can act as liaisons with relevant government departments to advance policy change, providing member-responsive programs, and would be accountable to their members’ priorities.  
  • Operate Indigenous hiring streams within tiers of Canadian government for the development and deployment of Indigenous-led consultations, programs, policy, and strategies with nation-to-nation partnership principles. Give priority accountability to community coalitions’ and on-the-ground leaders’ priorities, timelines, and protocols of conducting governance. 
  • Improve Indigenous engagement and consultation in government strategies and program development to ensure balanced representation of for-profit and non-profit activities, improved grassroots participation, and more accessible engagement timelines and communications to facilitate their participation. In the case of the SAS for instance, subsequent revisions and associated programs must better recognize Indigenous seed keeping as a uniquely impactful and active climate adaptation action and more strongly engage Indigenous seed keepers and non-profit Indigenous food sovereignty practitioners as key actors in sustainable agriculture and climate response.
  • Provide stronger support for the creation of Indigenous-authored content, including policy analyses and research that is developed by Indigenous seed and food sovereignty-dedicated individuals and initiatives operating independently of federally favoured Indigenous representative agencies. Funding support and access to policy power is needed for new and existing Indigenous food sovereignty and Indigenous food climate adaptation research and education centres, programs, community groups in order to generate community-accountable and responsive collaborative contributions. 
  • Extend greater authority and legitimacy to Indigenous contributions in cultural and creative forms that do not reflect western research and research. Indigenous publications need to be weighed as meaningful contributions to policy and program development across government and philanthropy. 

Increase opportunities for and improve processes of low-barrier, multi-year, and self-determined resource distribution for non-profit and for-profit entities

Multi-year commitments create greater space for food relationships and systems to be repaired and help shift initiatives from survival-based operations to long-term success and sustainability, while also making space for exploration and innovation, which is in alignment with Indigenous ways of knowing, being, and doing. Non-Indigenous for-profit and not-for-profit organizations and businesses should consider multi-year and low-barrier contribution policies of directing resources to Indigenous cultural agriculture seed and food initiatives through unrestricted donations and/or multi-year and low-barrier grants opportunities. This funding must be flexible and Indigenous-led or -guided, Indigenous-staffed, accessible, and culturally relevant, with advisory council, board, and/or staff representation of on-the-ground cultural food and climate response experience. Our analysis identified key needs and recommendations to promote these improvements:

  • Increase low-barrier and Indigenous-led or Indigenous-guided funding funding support from government and non-government granting foundations for Indigenous-led not-for-profit groups addressing agricultural climate adaptation, seed efforts, and cultural agriculture knowledge transmission. This applies to all funding actors, particularly from large, greater-resourced sources such as granting foundations and multi-year governmental funding programs.
  • Increase Indigenous-led or Indigenous-guided flexible funding commitments from values-aligned partners with significantly lower administrative requirements for local scale non-profit efforts, such as seed libraries/banks, community gardens, and cultural food sovereignty learning programs. 
  • Improve low-barrier investments from Indigenous and non-Indigenous governing bodies and granting agencies for both for-profit and non-profit Indigenous seed keeping and cultural food production initiatives and leadership. 
  • Provide greater support from all levels of government, local leadership, granting entities, and investment and lending institutions to Indigenous for-profit seed and food initiatives, such as for market gardeners, cultural food producers, and agritourism businesses, and small-scale and family entrepreneurs and enterprises.
  • Ensure low-barrier Indigenous-led access to capital and granting from for-profit Indigenous initiatives conducting seed adaptation, and for-profit Indigenous initiatives that provide support to these initiatives, that champions activities and business models that reflect Indigenous economies and ethics. 
  • Ensure resourcing of cultural agriculture climate adaptation efforts is culturally relevant from development through to delivery. Responsive and effective resourcing includes ensuring Indigenous individuals, families, entities, and formal and informal groups doing the on-the-ground work define and assess success and shape funding processes in food system revitalization and climate adaptation.
  • Improve the factors and educate the actors that are influencing the issue of qualified donee status and granting eligibility for non-profit initiatives. Significant change is needed to combat the power disparities and exploitation Indigenous initiatives face as grassroots initiatives operating both independently of and on shared platforms and in intermediary relationships, to dismantle barriers Indigenous initiatives face in accessing resources and expanding administrative capacity. 
  • Ensure multi-year granting and lending commitments for all Indigenous seed and agricultural food adaptation initiatives, both for-profit and non-profit. Project efficacy is depedent on multi-year planning and action.
  • Improve access to unrestricted funding in granting and lending commitments for all Indigenous seed and agricultural food adaptation initiatives, both for-profit and non-profit. Eligible expense criteria need to support Indigenous self-determination by allowing unrestricted funding for self-identified priorities, such as equipment and infrastructure, operations and administration, staff and organizational development, and land access, return, and acquisition.

Recognize seed keeping and food culture and spirituality in food adaptation policy and resourcing

To reduce fundraising burdens on Indigenous initiatives to defend community-informed and culturally appropriate solutions, granting entities need strong operationalized awareness of the role of holistic approaches in Indigenous food adaptation solutions and of the historical and ongoing harms to Indigenous food systems. Our analysis identified recommendations to advance community-responsive and culturally appropriate policy and granting and lending programs:

  • Improve anti-oppressive training and education for all actors across government and philanthropic sectors on Indigenous food sovereignty history, politics, perspectives, and ethics. Training that emphasizes non-Indigenous actors learning to practice Indigenous cultural food practices, rather than these learning priorities, fails to address power imbalances inherent in funding relationships, risks replicating histories of cultural knowledge extraction, and does not create systemic and structural awareness needed to create tangible sector change.
  • Government and non-government entities must recognize Indigenous seed keeping as a climate adaptation practice. These entities must also recognize associated practices such as healing, food culture, and language learning activities as relevant priorities that are indivisible from seed keeping and climate response action. Spiritual, cultural, and technical knowledge revitalization and knowledge transmission activities are necessary for Indigenous-led food system climate adaptation. 
  • Extend recognition beyond optics and apply labour justice across government and non-government strategies and programs to see ethical compensation for seed learning and teaching labour and investment in seed adaptation efforts. For Indigenous food systems to thrive, Indigenous food leaders and learners must be provided conditions to thrive.

CONCLUSION

Indigenous seed keeping and Indigenous food sovereignty is subjected to the pressures of survival under an imposed capitalist economic system, the globalized industrial food system, climate change, and colonially constructed food insecurity. As an act of agency and self-determination under these oppressions, Indigenous seed climate adaptation action also exists at the intersections of knowledge revitalization movements, decolonial governance, anti-capitalist community organizing, and entrepreneurship and reimagined cultural economies. While these intersections engender political and cultural tensions across Indigenous seed keepers and the government, philanthropic, and corporate sector powers that impede their efforts, Indigenous seed adaptation learners and leaders continue to apply responsive climate solutions. Learners and leaders do this through the extensive land-based knowledge and community collaboration that has seen Indigenous food systems persist through both colonization and climate change. Pressures to have Indigenous knowledge and strategies fit western philanthropic and government models are not only hindering Indigenous food and climate leadership but are assimilatory and counterproductive to seed biodiversity, agricultural climate monitoring, and adaptation. The Indigenous food climate adaptation movement needs to be recognized as critical climate action and Indigenous seed and food growers need to be engaged as frontline climate responders. For just and effective Indigenous food climate adaptation, government and non-profit actors must better defer to Indigenous definitions of success and Indigenous-led holistic assessments of the activities and resources they need to take action. Indigenous governance and self-determination must lead the development and delivery of funding and investment programs and the development of strategic action plans and policies impacting Indigenous people in climate change and agriculture. Thematic insights revealed in this case study analysis emphasize the interconnectivity of Indigenous sovereignty, seed and food biodiversity, and climate resilience, and the deep need for restitution of leadership and resources towards a just and climate-resilient food sovereignty future.

Indigenous seed keeping and Indigenous food sovereignty is subjected to the pressures of survival under an imposed capitalist economic system, the globalized industrial food system, climate change, and colonially constructed food insecurity.


GLOSSARY AND NOTES ON CASE STUDY LANGUAGE (click to expand)

Indigenous views on the case study topics and associated definitions vary. These terms and definitions are not reflective of all Indigenous perspectives. 

Agriculture: Agriculture and farming are alienating terms for many Indigenous peoples in Canada due to their association with colonial efforts to assimilate Indigenous people via western agriculture and its contemporary relationship with industrial farming (NWAC 2021). Forced assimilation and oppression through settler farming methods spanned residential schools, church-run farm settlements, experimental research farms and forced labour farms, and pass and permit policies, among others. Some preferred terms include food sovereignty, growing, and gardening. The term agriculture in other contexts extends to includes livestock, livestock feed, aquaculture, and other food production activities, agriculture and cultural agriculture are used interchangeably in this case study to speak specifically to plant crops grown for food with cultural teachings and methods.

Canada: The use of the term Canada does not reflect many contributors’ perspectives on the politics of acknowledgement of the Canadian state, with many preferring to use so-called Canada, what is colonially known as Canada, and within the colonial borders of Canada as an acknowledgement of settler-colonial occupation and Indigenous displacement and as a linguistic assertion of Indigenous sovereignty. 

Communities: Use of the terms communities and community partners  refers to and is inclusive of Indigenous on- and off-reserve urban and rural communities, organizations, grassroots initiatives, and informal groups. 

Culturally significant seed varieties: In this case study, culturally significant seed varieties and seeds refers to cultivated food crop varieties that Indigenous peoples historically and/or presently have relationships with as part of their cultural food systems. This largely involves seed varieties that were developed by Indigenous ancestors hundreds of years ago and might or might not persevere today, but this term can also include other seed varieties that families and communities have recently developed or adopted into their food systems and have created cultural meaning with in recent decades.

Indigenous: Indigenous in this case study refers to people Indigenous to what is known in the English language as North America. 


REFERENCES (click to expand)

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